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I U u ^ ^ ^t 

89th Congress, 1st Session 

Union Calendar No. 416 

House Report No. 971 





(88th Congress, 2d Session) 

SiV ^"^ 

SEPTEMBER 9, 1965 
aC|P\S (Release Date) 



September 9, 1965. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House 
on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed 

Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities 
U.S. House of Representatives, Washing-ton, D.C. 





(88th Congress, 2d Session, 1964) 
United States House of Representatives 
EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairman 


JOE R. POOL, Texas DONALD C. BRUCE, Indiana' 



Francis J. McNamara, Director 

William Hitz, General Counsel 
Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 

' In the 89th Congress (beginning January 4, 1965), the party membership ratio of the coiimiittee was 
changed from five of the majority and four of the minority to six and three, respectively. Charles L. Weltner, 
of Georgia, was appointed as the sixth Democratic member and John H. Buchanan, Jr., of Alabama, and 
Del Clawson, of California, were also appointed as members, these three replacing Mr. Jotiausen, Mr. Bruce, 
and Mr. Schadeberg. 



Congress of the United States, 

House of Representatives, 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, September 9, 1965. 
Hon. John W. McCormack, 
The Speaker, 
U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. 

Dear Mr. Speaker: Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 89th 
Congress, 1st session, and by direction of the committee, I herewith 
transmit the Annual Report of the Committee on Un-American 
Activities for the year 1964 (88th Cong., 2d sess.). 

Sincerely yours, 

Edwin E. Willis, Chairman. 


Union Calendar No, 416 

89th Congress ) HOUSE OF KEPEESENTATIVES ( Keport 
1st Session | ( No. 971 


September 9, 1965. — Committed to the Committee of tlie Whole House on the 
State of the Uniou and ordered to be printed 

Mr. Willis, from the Committee on Un-American Activities, 

submitted the foUowino; 



[Pursuant to H. Res. S, S9th Cong., 1st sess.] 



Foreword xi 

Chapter I. Hearings Conducted for Legislative Purposes: 

Hearings Relating to proposed legislation for creation of a Freedom 

Commission and Freedom Academy, Parts 1 and 2 1 

Communist Activities in the Buffalo, N.Y., Area 17 

Communist Activities in the Minneapolis, Minn., Area 24 

Testimony of Rev. James H. Robinson 39 

Violations of State Department Travel Regulations and Pro-Castro 

Propaganda Activities in the United States, Part 5__ 46 

Committee Findings re Student Committee for Travel to Cuba. _ 57 
Chapter II. Reports Compiled To Assist the Congress in its Legislative 

World Communist Movement: Selective Chronology 1818-1957, 

Volume III, 1951-1953 61 

Chapter III. Reference Service for Members of Congress 64 

Chapter IV. Bibliography of Committee Publications for the Year 1964_. 65 

Chapter V. Contempt Proceedings 66 

Chapter VI. Legislative Recommendations 71 

Committee Findings re Medical Aid to Cuba Committee 105 

Committee Findings re Friends of British Guiana 107 

Chapter VII. Memorial Resolution for the late Frank S. Tavenner, Jr 111 

Index i 


Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946]; 60 Stat. 
812, which provides: 

Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 


17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 

****** * 

^q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (!) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimonj-, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by an\^ such chairman or member. 


Rule XII 


Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the juris- 
diction of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent reports 
and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch of the 


House Resolution 5, January 9, 1963 

nr *r 'P ^ ^ T* ^ 

Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 
(r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

:f; :je :)( :f: :^ :,; :f: 

Rule XI 


IS. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a wiiole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is autliorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the sub- 
ject matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by 
the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 


Rule XI, 18, of the House of Kepreseiitatives (see preceding page), 
which spells out the powers and duties of the Committee on Un- 
American Activities, requires that the committee ''shall report to 
the House * * * the results of any such investigation [as it makes 
under the powers granted it in Rule XI, 18], together with such 
recommendations as it deems advisable." 

This Annual Report of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
for the year 1964 is published in compliance with the above rule. 
It includes a siunmary of all hearings held by the committee during 
the past year, the reports published by the committee; developments 
in contempt proceedings arising from committee hearings; the non- 
investigative work of the committee (such as the product of its files 
and reference service); and the legislative recommendations it deems 
advisable to make to the House as a result of its investigations, 
research, and study. 

In view of the important developments on the national and inter- 
national scenes which have taken place in the area of Communist 
activities in the recent past, some words of explanation may be in 
order as to why, in this foreword, attention is being focused on a 
report of a committee of the Congress and the rule of the House 
authorizing the publication of the report. It is being done because 
the ride in question and this report have a very real, though indirect, 
bearing on developments in all parts of the world — for the following 

First, global security today rests in large part on U.S. security. 
Because the United States is the major source of strength for the non- 
Communist world in its efforts to resist communism, it is important to 
know what this country's internal security agencies are doing and 
what their findings and recommendations are. This report summa- 
rizes the activities of one of them which exercises basic functions in 
the legislative branch. 

Second, because of the special nature of its authority, consideration 
of the role and functions of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
goes to the issue of the fundamental principles of our form of govern- 
ment, reminding us of what the global conflict is all about, the basic 
differences in the positions of the contending forces — of those who 
advocate the rule of men as opposed to those who support the rule of 

Third, the intense campaign to destroy or curb the committee 
conducted over the last few years — with "Communists at its core — 
suggests reexamination, however brief, of the constitutionality of the 
committee and its actions. 

Over the years, the courts of this country have consistently upheld 
the constitutionality of this committee and its powers. Their 
decisions have been based primarily on their findings that the com- 
mittee, while mvestigative in nature, is designed to and does serve a 
legislative function. It develops information that assists the Con- 



gress in carrj^ing out the function imposed on it by the Constitution — 
the enactment of legislation. 

The courts, in reachmg this conclusion, have commented not only 
on the committee's investigations, but also on its reports and other 
informing functions. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of 
Columbia, for example, in a decision upholding the first contempt of 
Congress conviction of John T. Gojack for refusing to answer certain 
questions when subpenaed to testify before this committee in 1955, 
found the Government's claim that the committee had a legislative 
purpose in holding the hearing "amply supported." In spelling out 
the evidence it found for this conclusion, the court stated: 

That the dominant purpose of the investigation was legisla- 
tive is shown by both the 1954 and the 1955 Annual Reports 
of the Committee on Un-American Activities to the House of 
Representatives, both of which report on the hearings. 
These Annual Reports evidence the continued piu"pose of the 
Committee of keeping the Congress informed as to actual 
Communist conspiracy to infiltrate critical areas and activi- 
ties of our national life as steps in the vdtimate effort to 
destroy our free form of government, and contain the 
Committee's recommendations for additional legislation, if 
required. (280 F. 2d 678, 681 (I960)) 

This committee has sometimes been criticized by certain persons 
and groups for maintaining extensive files of publicly documented 
information on communism and, upon request, making the informa- 
tion in these files available to the Alembers of Congress. The court 
of appeals in the above-mentioned decision found that this practice, 
rather than being something for which tlie committee was to be 
censured, was further evidence of the committee's concern with its 
constitutional duty of assisting in the enactment of legislation. 
Immediately following the above-quoted passage, the court stated: 

A large collection of material and exhibits is maintained 
by the Committee in connection vnih its constituted duties 
in order to furnish reference service not only to the Com- 
mittee's ov.'n members and staff in its investigations and 
hearings, but also to every member of Congress who submits 
a Avi'itten request for information in tliat field. More than 
thirteen hundred such requests were received in 1955. 

Congress cannot legislate intelligently in a vacuum. Its membere 
must be kept informed so that they can judge the merit of proposed 
legislation in any given area before deciding how to cast their votes. 
In matters pertaining to national security, not only the committee's 
investigations and hearings and its publisliod reports, but also its 
special, individually prepared files and reference service reports, 
assist in the vital informational area of the legislative process. 

To trace the chain of authority in establishing the constitutionality 
of tliis committee and its autliority to engage in the activities sum- 
ni!irizod in this rej^ort, we would begin with Article I, sections 1 and 


5, of the Constitution, which give the House the power to legislate 
and to make its own rules (i.e., create committees) : 

1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested 
in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of 
a Senate and House of Representatives. 


5. Each House may determine the Rules of its Pro- 
ceedings, * * *. 

The courts of our land, in view of this clear-cut constitutional 
statement concerning the legislative powers of Congress, not only 
have never questioned the lawmaking authority of the Congress, but 
have repeatedly and consistently upheld the power of Congress to 
investigate as an aid to its legislative function. In McGrain v. 
Daugherty, for example, the Supreme Court pointed out that: 

In actual legislative practice power to secure needed 
information by such means [investigation and the compelhng 
of testimony] has long been treated as an attribute of the 
power to legislate. It w^as so regarded in the British Parha- 
ment and in the Colonial legislatures before the American 
Revolution; and a like view has prevailed and been carried 
into effect in both houses of Congress and in most of the 
state legislatures. (273 U.S. 135, 161 (1927)) 

This broad doctrine has been specifically applied to the Communist 
problem by the Supreme Court. In the case of Lloyd Barenblatt, a 
witness convicted of contempt for refusing to answer questions of this 
committee, the Supreme Court found: 

That Congress has wide power to legislate in the field of 
Communist activity in this Country, and to conduct appro- 
priate investigations in aid thereof, is hardly debatable. The 
existence of such power has never been questioned by this 
Court * * *. (360 U.S. 109, 127 (1959)) [Emphasis added.] 

Going farther than this, the courts have held not only that Congress 
has a right to investigate, but that when it comes to matters such as 
those within the jurisdiction of the Committee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities it has a duty to do so. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 
District of Columbia, in upholding the contempt conviction of Edward 
K. Barsky, a witness who had refused to produce certain records 
subpenaed by this committee in 1946, stated, in a decision which the 
Supreme Court refused to review : 

The prime function of government, in the American concept, 
is to preserve and protect the rights of the people. The 
Congi'ess is part of the government thus established for this 

This existing machinery of government has power to 
inquire into potential threats to itself, not alone for the 
selfish reason of self-protection, but for the basic reason that 
having been established by the people as an instrumentality 
for the protection of the rights of people, it has an obligation 
to its creators to preserve itself. * * * We think that 
inquiry into tlu-eats to the existing form of government by 
extra-constitutional processes of change is a power of Con- 


gress under its prime obligation to protect for the people that 
machinery of v/hich it is a part * * *. {Barsky v. U.S., 
167 F. 2d 241, 246 (1947), cert, denied, 334 U.S. 843) 
[Emphasis added.] 

In a more recent decision — that of June 5, 1961, upholding the 
constitutionaUty of the registration provisions of the Internal Securit}^ 
Act (367 U.S. 1) — the U.S. Supreme Court asserted this same doc- 
trine and did so by quoting from The Chinese Exclusion Case decided 
by it in 1889: 

"To preserve its independence, and give security against 
foreign aggression and encroachment, is the highest duty of 
every nation, and to attain these ends nearly all other con- 
siderations are to be subordinated. It matters not in what 
form such aggression and encroachment come. . . ." (Id. 
at 96) [Emphasis added.] 

How has — and does — the House carry out its right and duty to 
investigate the Communist and other subversive activities referred to 
by the court of appeals in the above-quoted decision? 

The Supreme Court found in the previously referred to case of 
Lloyd Barenblatt (360 U.S. 109 (1959)) that— 

in pursuance of its legislative concerns in the domain of 
"national security" the House has clothed the Un-American 
Activities Committee with pervasive authority to investigate 
Communist activities in this country, (p. 118) 


it can hardlj' be seriously argued that the investigation 
of Communist activities generally, and the attendant use of 
compulsory process, was beyond the purview of the Com- 
mittee's intended authority under Rule XL (pp. 120, 121) 
[Emphasis added.] 

Without infringing on constitutionally protected liberties, how far 
can the House of Representatives, operating through its Committee 
on Un-American Activities, go in investigating and recommending 
legislation in the area of national security or un-American activity, 
which is defined in the committee's mandate as activity "instigated 
from foreign countries or of domestic origin and [which] attacks the 
principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 

A complete answer to this question, which would involve many 
fine pouits of law, cannot be given in this foreword. Two basic 
principles, however, which have been spelled out by our courts over 
and over agaiii, can be briefly treated. 

The first principle is that every form of liberty is subject to restric- 
tions under certaui circumstances and for certain reasons — because 
no individual or group can be given complete and unlimited freedom 
without threatening the liberties of all others. Governments are 
instituted by men for their general welfare and tlie jirotection of their 
freedom. Yet government aiul unl)ri(lled individual freedom arc 
incompatible. They cannot coexist. On the surface, this may appear 
to he an mifortunate truism, but it is unfortunate only if we fail to 
consider that the onl}- alternative to government is imarchy — and 


anarchy is destructive of the freedom of all people except the most 
ruthless and powerful. 

Of all forms of government, the government of law rather than of 
men — developed to its highest degree in the United States — has proved 
to be the most desirable, because it best protects mdividual freedom. 
But government of law, as well as government of men, necessarily 
involves some restraints on freedom — and every one of the laws 
enacted by the Government of the United States since its founding 
189 years ago has, to some degree, restricted the "freedom" of the 
American people. 

Parado>:ically, this is desirable, rather than something to be de- 
plored, even though the fewest and least possible restraints on freedom 
are, and always should be, the American goal. The reason why some 
restraints on freedom are necessary and desirable has been set forth 
with great and compellmg clarity in a unanimous decision of the 
U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia wiitten by Judge 
Barrett Prettyman: 

For the maintenance and preservation of liberty, individual 
rights must be restricted for various reasons from time to 
time. In case of a clear and present danger to the national 
security, even so generalh* unrestrictable a right as speech 
can be restricted. In case of a reasonably anticipated threat 
to security or to law and order, many acts by individuals can 
be restricted. An assembling mob bent on disorder can be 
dispersed. A man with a contagious disease can be locked 
in his house. Potentially dangerous actions must be re- 
stricted in order to prevent harm to others. _ So we have 
sanitation, fire, building and speeding regulations. 

Liberty itself is inherently a restricted thing. Liberty is 
a product of order. There is no liberty in anarchy or in 
chaos. Liberty is achieved by rules, which correlate every 
man's actions to every other man's rights and thus, by mutual 
restrictions one upon the other, achieve a result of relative 
freedom. The mere day-to-day maintenance of the order 
which insures liberty requires restrictions upon individual 
rights. Some actions, neither harmful nor potentially 
dangerous, must be restricted simply for the sake of good 
order in the community. So we have parking, traffic and 
zoning regulations and rules of court. 

No individual may take whatever he pleases, and so all 
others are free to enjoy their possessions. One man may not 
assault another with whom he disagrees, and this restriction 
protects the freedom of all to speak and live peacefully. One 
may not spread vicious lies about another, and so all are free 
to enjoy their good reputations. Every person is forbidden 
to join with his competitors to drive another person out of 
business, and so all are free to pursue their trades and buy 
products at reasonable prices. Everybody's liberty is re- 
stricted by prohibitions against driving recklessly, spreading 
disease, and leaving hidden dangers on property, and so the 
whole community is free to enjoy health. One cannot 
trample his neighbor's flow^er beds, or even trespass on his 
lawn. Even in a neighborhood community every man's right 
to roam is drastically restricted. A man who asserts his owm 


uninhibited freedom to go where he pleases is a menace and is 
quickly put in his place. He may not park where he pleases, 
or drink where he pleases, or spit where he pleases. In the 
community the police take care of these matters, and in so 
doing the officers act as servants of the rest of the community; 
they are the government. 

Freedom to worship as each one chooses is restricted in 
some waj^s. Worship by human sacrifice is forbidden. A 
member of one rehgion cannot interrupt the services of 
another religion in order to worship in his own way. Through 
this restriction all have freedom to worship as they choose. 

Freedom of the press bears restrictions. It does not 
include the right to publish what another has registered 
with the copyright office. Merely because a newsman has 
a right to travel does not mean he can go an\"svhere he "wishes. 
He cannot attend conferences of the Supreme Covu't, or meet- 
ings of the President's Cabinet, or executive sessions of Com- 
mittees of the Cono-ress. He cannot come into my house 
without my permission, or enter a ball park without a ticket 
of admission from the management, or cross a public street 
downtown between crosswalks. He cannot pass a pofice 
cordon thrown about an accident, unless he has a pass from 
the police. A newsman's freedom to travel about is a 
restricted thing, subject to mjaiad limitations. 

* * * The liberty of ever3a)ne, law-abiding citizen and 
criminal alike, is involved in the maintenance of order and 
is threatened when disorder brings either the necessity or the 
opportmiity for force to replace correlated rules of conduct. 
Such a threat may easily arise from conditions in foreign 
lands. The people have a right to protect their liberty, no 
matter whence the threat. {Worthy v. Herter, 270 F. 2d 
905 (1959)) 

In the interest of the national welfare and secui'ity, which is the 
welfare and security of the n^illions of individual Americans this 
Government was created to preserve, the Congress can and nuist 
enact, and has enacted, somewhat restrictive legislation in all areas of 
consititutionally guaranteed "rights." Just how far it can go in doing 
so varies in different cases and is subject to determination b}" the 
courts. But that it has a right to do so cannot be questioned. 

A second pertinent and basic principle is tliat of conspiracy. The 
courts of this country have held that conspiracy in any area cannot 
be tolerated and that such activity is clearly subject to investigation 
and criminal prosecution. The late Supreme Court Justice Robert 
H. Jackson, for example, in his concurring opinion in the case of 
Dennis v. tJnited States, a decision uijhuhUng the constitutionality 
of the Smith Act, pointed out that: 

The Constitution does not make conspiracy a civil riuht. 
(341 U.S. 494, 572 (1951)) 

In his earlier, separate opinion in the case of Amcricati Communica- 
tions Association v. Douds, Justice Jackson referred to the traditional 


and continuing position of the courts in regard to conspiracies of 
all types: 

The conspiracy principle has traditionally been employed 
to protect society against all "ganging up" or concerted 
action in violation of its laws. No term passes that this 
Court does not sustain convictions based on that doctrine 
for violations of the antitrust laws or other statutes. * * * 
(339 U.S. 382, 432 (1950)) 

The Congress of the United States found in the Internal Secm-ity 
Act that the U.S. Communist Party and all other Communist parties 
"are in fact constituent elements of the world-wide Communist 
movement and promote the objectives of such movemerit by con- 
spiratorial and coercive tactics" and are organized "on a secret, 
consjnratorial basis." 

In its June 5, 1961, decision, referred to above, upholding the con- 
stitutionality of the registration provisions of the Internal Security 
Act, the Supreme Court, with a specific reference to the investigations 
of this committee, said of these findings: 

They are the product of extensive investigation by Com- 
mittees of Congress over more than a decade and a half. 
* * * We certainly cannot dismiss them as unfounded or 
irrational imaginings. * * * And if we accept them, as we 
must, as a not unentertainable appraisal by Congress of 
the threat which Communist organizations pose not only 
to existing government in the United States, but to the 
United States as a sovereign, independent nation — if we 
accept as not wholly unsupportable the conclusion that 
those organizations "are not free and independent organiza- 
tions, but are sections of a world-wide Communist organiza- 
tion and are controlled, directed, and subject to the dis- 
cipline of the Communist dictatorship of [a] . . . foreign 
country," * * * we must recognize that the power of Con- 
gress to regulate Communist organizations of this nature is 
extensive. * * ^ (367 U.S. 1) 

It is thus clear that, despite the assertions of certain elements to the 
contrary, there is no question about the constitutionality of this 
committee's investigations of Communist activities in this country. 
The chain of authorit}^ beginning with the Constitution, which gi-ants 
general powers to the House, and carried down through the specific 
mandate the House has given the committee and the rulings of the 
courts on the committee's activities, is unbroken. 

In view of the right and the duty of Congress and of this committee 
to investigate, there is a correlative duty on the part of citizens to as- 
sist the Congress and its committees in their efforts to obtain needed 
information. Again, the courts have been explicit and clear in their 
rulings on this point. Thus, in the case of WatHns v. United States, 
still another decision arising from a hearing of this committee, the U.S. 
Supreme Court held: 

It is unquestionably the duty of all citizens to cooperate 
with the Congress in its eft'orts to obtain the facts needed 



for intelligent legislative action. It is theii" unremitting obli- 
gation to respond to subpoenas, to respect the dignity of the 
Congress and its committees and to testify fully with respect 
to matters within the province of proper investigation. * * * 
(354 U.S. 178, 187 (1957)) [Emphasis added.] 

This report of the Committee on Un-American Activities may 
seem far removed from developments in Cuba, the Congo, British 
Guiana, Malaysia, Tanzania, and Vietnam. Yet, it clarifies what is at 
stake in these and other areas of the world b}" illustrating the U.S. 
constitutional process, the concept of the rule of law rather than that 
of men, the proper restraints on liberty as affirmed by the Courts, and 
the intolerability of conspiracy. In doing so, it goes to the heart of 
the issues and struggles which have made the names of the above 
countries familiar to all Americans. 

The legislative recommendations contained in this report, if carried 
out by the Congi-ess, would somewhat restrain some actions in certain 
areas. Yet such congi-essional action would, at the same time, help 
preserve the freedom of all Americans b}- strengthening the security 
of the government they have created to protect their libert}'. Laws 
may restrain, but laws also create the order without which no man is 
secure in his rights — and self-imposed order is far preferable to the 
terror of the Viet Cong, the fiat of a Castro, the tyranny of a presidium, 
or the rule of any Communist — or an}* totalitarian of any stripe — 

Edwin E. Willis, Chairman. 

August 20, 1965. 





The House Committee on Un-American Activities held hearings on 
nine bills which proposed the creation of a Freedom Commission and 
Freedom Academy. Testimony on these bills was received on 
February 18, 19, and 20, April 7 and 8, and May 19 and 20, 1964. 
Of the 37 persons who testified or submitted statements, all but one 
supported the proposed Academy. Mr. W. Averell Harriman, Under 
Secretary of State for Political Affairs, presented the objections to 
the establishment of the Freedom Academy on behalf of the Depart- 
ment of State and the administration. 

The nine bills were: H.R. 352 by Mr. Herlong; H.R. 1617 by 
Mr. Gubser; H.R. 5368 by Mr. Boggs; H.R. 8320 by Mr. Taft; 
H.R. 8757 by Mr. Schweiker; H.R. 10036 by Mr. Ashbrook; H.R. 
10037 by Mr. Clausen; H.R. 10077 by Mr. Schadeberg; and H.R. 
11718 by Mr. Talcott. 

Outline of the Freedom Academy Concept 

All the witnesses agreed that the United States is confronted by a 
challenge of extraordinary proportions. Communism threatens not 
merely the Nation's political form and governmental institutions, but 
seeks nothing less than the complete and final eradication of American 
society. While the U.S.A. has thwarted some of the thrusts of 
international communism with traditional military and diplomatic 
measures, it is apparent that something fundamentally vital is lacking 
in the American response. This is painfuUy evident from the fact 
that, in spite of this Nation's massive military muscle and the innu- 
merable diplomatic tools available to those who conduct its foreign 
relations, the forces of Communist imperialism continue to press and 
probe and score strategic gains against the free world. 

Why? The answer to this crucial question was both the purpose 
and the problem of the committee's hearings on the proposed Acad- 
emy. Witnesses testified that the Soviet bloc, being committed 
completely to total victory over the U.S.A., is employing every 
conceivable facet of human enterprise to realize its ambitions. Nor- 
mal and natural pursuits of trade and commerce, art and athletics, 
science and sociology have all been harnessed — as well as the threat 
of Red armies — to the forces of Communist foreign policy. To press 
into cold war service these otherwise legitimate pursuits requires 
■conflict-management procedures of considerable sophistication. Over 


the decades, the Communists have built up a body of doctrine on 
subversion, propaganda, espionage, and other strife-creatmg forms 
and perfected them through experience and trainmg establishments. 

International communism's ability to harmonize these fourth- 
dimensional warfare measures is the area in which it excels. The 
know-how gained by almost 50 years of producuig manufactured 
tensions permits the Communists to package fiscal, economic, cultural, 
political, and military measures into a unified common offensive. 
While launching or sponsoring paramilitary maneuvers in nations in 
Africa, Asia, or Latin America, Moscow or Peking simultaneously pro- 
mote coordinated "peace" offensives in the countries which might help 
the target nations resist the attempted takeover. These peace move- 
ments include not only the usual agitation and demonstrations by 
the national Communist parties through their front groups, but also 
such devices as visits by tom'ing Communist cultural groups, calcu- 
lated to defrost the hostility of the host governments v/ith the end in 
view of inducing them to withdraw from or negotiate for peace in 
the areas under attack. 

Pro-Freedom Academy witnesses supported the thesis that the 
current threat in the manner and form described above has gone 
unchallenged — in many instances even unrecognized for its true 
political intent. Conceding that the Government was performing a 
more or less adequate job in the diplomatic and military fields, most 
of the witnesses stressed that httle, if any, training and research 
has been undertaken in the unconventional aspects of the cold war. 
In the long run these factors may prove more decisive than the tradi- 
tional military and diplomatic responses. 

Several witnesses pointed to the 40-year training lead in this area 
enjoyed by the Communist bloc, beginning with estabhshment of the 
Lenin Institute of political warfare in Moscow in 1925. Since then 
many other institutions for training Communists in unconventional 
warfare techniques have been established in all sectors of the world. 
According to one witness, Lenin had established three political war- 
tare training centers prior to 1917: one on the Isle of Capri, another 
at Bologna, and a third near Paris. Graduates of these early Com- 
munist training schools had helped to overthrow the govei'nment in 
Russia under Kerensky and to prepare the road for Lenin's reign. 
Methods used successfully then were later perfected in Communist 
political warfare schools and adapted to the differing conditions to be 
faced by future graduates in backward, as well as advanced, societies. 

Witnesses testified that the U.S.A. does not have a training estab- 
lishment designed to give its people an understanding in depth of 
the Communist threat and the know-how to combat its many forms 
and faces. 

Academy proponents submitted that the training gap could be 
bridged by establishing a cold war college under Federal auspices 
conducted by independent commissioners appointed by the President, 
confirmed by the Senate, and monitored by the Congress. Since the 
Federal Government plays the principal role in the cold war, manj'^ 
witnesses thought that its respective agencies should have represen- 
tatinn in the Academy as advisers. Few departments of Government 
toda}- parti('i[)ale meaningfully' in the cold war and, even among 
these, coordination is lacking. 

Since the ct»ld war is a total conflict, the Government should be 
totall}' engaged in it. Departments, such as that of Conmierce, could 


participate on the battlefront of economics. Other agencies, too, in 
their respective specialties should be directed to meet the Sino-Soviet 
threat with vigor and vision notwithstanding the fact that the Depart- 
ment of State is charged directly with the conduct of American foreign 
policy. Dr. Possony and Mr. Cunningham emploj-ed this line of 
reasoning in buttressing their position that the private sector must 
understand what the cold war is all about. In large numbers, the 
American people, too, must participate in varying degrees in fourth- 
dimension warfare as well as in the proposed Academy. The Fed- 
eral Government, of and by itself, is no match in a conflict of this 
magnitude without massive assistance from its civilian populace. Be- 
cause all Americans, indeed all peoples of the free world, are Com- 
munist targets, all of the Nation's and free world's leading citizens 
should participate, where feasible. Leaders of this type influence 
thousands of persons in their lives and, therefore, with training, could 
contribute immeasurably to the cold war effort and the cause of 

To be specific, the witnesses said that the sources from which the 
Academy would draw its students would mclude: U.S. Government 
agencies; leaders from the ranks of management, labor, education, the 
professions, and civic, veteran, and similar groups; and lasth' those 
from both the governmental and civilian sectors in friendly nations 

List of Witnesses 
(in order of appearance) 

Hon. A. Sydney Herlong, Jr. (D-Fla.) 

Alan G. Grant, Jr., attorney; leading proponent of the Freedom 
Academy concept for the past 14 j^ears through the Orlando Com- 
mittee for a Freedom Academy: taught courses on guerrilla war- 
fare at Harvard University in addition to writing his thesis on the 
subject of "GueiTila Warfare, Revolutionary Warfare."^ 

Dr. Stefan T. Possony, director of the International Political Studies 
Program, Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace at 
Stanford University; received his doctorate from the University of 
Vienna; worked for the French Ministries of Ah' and Foreign 
Sr.-'vice; joined the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton; 
served with the Psychological Warfare Branch, Office of Naval 
Intelligence; from 1946-1961 served on the faculty of Georgetown 
University and the National War College; in 1955 became an 
associate of the Foreign Policy Research Institute at the University 
of Pennsylvania ; author of A Century of Confiict, Tomorrow's War, 
Strategic Air Power, Lenin, International Relations (coauthor), 
Geography of Intellect (coauthor). 

Hon. Don H. Clausen (R-Calif .) 

Henry Mayers, advertising executive since 1915; spokesman for the 
Cold War Council; member of the U.S. Information Agency's 
Executive Reserve; traveled extensively throughout the world 
inspecting 18 USIA posts. 

Hon. Hale Boggs (D-La.) 

Arthur G. McDowell, director. Department of Civic, Educational and 
Governmental Affairs of the Upholsterers' International Union of 
North America (AFL-CIO); executive secretary of the Council 
Against Communist Aggression since 1951 


Dr. James D. Atkinson, associate professor of government, George- 
town University; research associate, Center for Strategic Studies, 
Georgetown University; Army Intelligence in World War II; 
former consultant to the Psychological Strategy Board, the Re- 
search Analysis Corporation, the Department of the Navy; former 
member of faculty of the National War College; lecturer at the 
Industrial War College of the Armed Forces, the Army War College, 
the Air War College, the Strategic Intelligence School, Special 
Warfare Center at Fort Bragg, National Defense College of Canada; 
president of the American Military Institute; author of Edge of War. 

William J. Cunningham, high school teacher in Naples, Fla. 

Hon. Richard S. Schweiker {R-'P&.) 

Hon. W. Averell Harriman, Under Secretary of State for Political 

Hon. Robert Taft, Jr. (U-Oluo) 

Dr. Gerhart Niemeyer, professor of political science, Notre Dame 
University; former faculty member, National War College; formerly 
with the Department of State, Ofhce of U.N. Affairs; author of 
An Inquiry Into Soviet Mentality and Facts on Communism. 

Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, professor of economics, Georgetown Uni- 
versity; president, Ukrainian Congress Committee of America; 
chairman. National Captive Nations Committee; former faculty 
member of the National War College. 

Hon. Robert R. Barry {R-N .Y .) 

Dr. William R. Kintner, colonel, U.S.A. (Ret.) ; professor of political 
science, University of Pennsylvania; deputy director. Foreign Policy 
Research Institute, University of Pennsylvania; faculty member, 
Army Command and Staff College at Fort Leavenworth; former 
operations chief, CIA; infantry commander and armistice nego- 
tiator at Panmunjom, Korea; Planning Board assistant. National 
Security Council; head of political and psychological activities in 
the Office of the Special Assistant (Nelson Rockefeller) to the 
President of the United States; chief of long-range plans, Office of 
Chief of Staff, U.S. Army; author of The Front Is Everywhere and 
coauthor of Protracted Conflict and New Frontiers of War. 

Hon. Bob Wilson (R-Calif.) 

Hon. Robert C. Hill, former Assistant Secretary of State for Con- 
gressional Relations; former Special Assistant to the Under Secre- 
tary of State for Mutual Security Affairs; former U.S. Ambassador 
to Mexico, Costa Rica, and El Salvador. 

Robert Finley Delaney, formerly with the U.S. Foreio;n Service and the 
U.S. Information Agency for 12 years; served in the American posts 
in Rome, Budapest, Vienna, and El Salvador; author of: Studies in 
Guerrilla Warfare, This Is Communist Hungary, The Literature of 
Communism m America, A Training Manual on Unconventional 

H. Stuart Morrison, employee of the Afiami Herald for 17 vears; 
director of Operation Amigo for the Knight, Copley, and Scripps- 
Howard newspapers. 

Christopher Emmet, free-lance writer and moderator of a New York 
radio program "Foreign Affairs Round Table" for 25 years; for- 
merly active in the anti-Nazi movement and later founder of 
the anti-Communist Committee Against Mass p]xpulsions. 

Herbert Philbrick, former FBI informant within the Communist Party. 


Clarence H. Olson, director of The American Legion's National Legis- 
lative Commission. 

Daniel J. O'Connor, attorney; chairman, The American Legion's 
National Americanism Commission. 

Dr. Michael C. Conley, organizer and lecturer of U.S. Army counter- 
insurgency program, Oberammergau, Germany; formerly with the 
L^.S. Army's Intelligence and Special Weapons School in Germany, 
specializing in Russian history and Soviet foreign policy in Central 
Europe and Southeast Asia. 

Hon. Charles S. Guhser (R-Calif.) 

Hon. Dante B. Fascell (D-Fla.) 

John Richardson, Jr., attorney; president, Free Europe Committee, 
Inc. ; former president and director of the International Rescue 
Committee; director of the Foreign Policy Association; director of 
Freedom House; and member of the Council on Foreign Relations. 

Admiral Arleigh A. Burke, USN (Retired), former Chief of Naval Op- 
erations; member of Armistice Negotiating Commission in Korea; 
director, Georgetown University Center for Strategic Studies. 

Hon. John 0. Marsh, Jr. (D-Va.) 

Paul Jones, columnist and editorial writer for the Philadelphia Evening 
Bulletin for 25 years; lectured on journalism in Saigon for Viet- 
namese newsmen; foreign correspondent in South America and 

Hon. Adolf A. Berle, attorney; professor emeritus and lecturer, 
Columbia University Law School; formerly staff member, American 
peace negotiation team, WW I; Assistant Secretary of State and 
Acting Secretary of State, 1938-1944; former Ambassador to 
Brazil and chief of President Kennedy's task force on Latin 

Mrs. Dickey Chayelle, reporter and combat photographer since 
1942 for American news media, including The Reader's Digest 
and The National Geographic Magazine; professionally engaged as 
combat correspondent in Hungary, Albania, Lebanon, Cuba, 
Korea, Formosa, India, Laos; participated in six parachute jumps 
with the Vietnamese airborne forces. 

Rev. James H. Robinson, ordained minister of the Presbyterian Church 
since 1938; founder, Operation Crossroads Africa; member, Peace 
Corps National Advisory Committee; author, Tomorrow is Today 
and Love of This Land. 

Walter Joyce, managing editor of Printers' Ink Magazine, author of 
The Propaganda Gap. 

Statements Received 

Reserve Officers Association oj the United States. 

Taxpayers League of Blackstone Valley, Louis Dona O'Hara, president. 

Outline of Testimony 

The following outline of the testimony received by the committee 
included four principal areas discussed bv the witnesses, which are 
entitled as follows: I. ''An Audit of the Cold War," 11. 'The Fed- 
eral Government's Conduct of the Cold War," III. 'The Adminis- 
tration's Solution to the Training Gap," IV. "The Freedom Academy 


as a Solution." Although the Freedom Academy as such was dis- 
cussed primarily in points III and IV, the witnesses spoke to points I 
and II during a substantial portion of their testimony in order to give 
foundation to their conclusions that an Academy was feasible and 
desirable. Similarly, the administration's witness made the argument 
that since the U.S.A. was "winning" the cold war a training establish- 
ment was an unnecessary duplication of existing programs. Pi'o- 
Academy witnesses challenged Mr. Harrmian's contention and sup- 
ported the reverse proposition, that is, that the cold war is being lost 
because it has never been fidly understood, and this because the U.S.A. 
has failed to adequately explain or teach its citizens its nature and 
meaning. The Academy, therefore, would give instructions on the 
strategy, tactics, and motivating forces of communism and conduct 
research in developing new techniques for cold war combat. Further, 
it woidd inform its students on the general prmciples upon which 
America was foimded, as well as the common precepts which this 
Nation shares with other democracies of the free world. 


^4. Views of the Department of State 

The Communist effort against the free world is being conducted in 
many ways which pose a massive set of problems for the United States, 
particularly in the developing countries of the world, said Mr. Harri- 
man. These countries are especially vulnerable to Communist 

The Communist movement, he said, is neither monolithic nor rigid. 
Communists keep changing their methods because they learn from 
past mistakes. The Soviet leadership would not coexist with the free 
world countries on matters of ideology, but within their own schools, 
he told the committee, some discussion on ideology is allowed, although 
no one is permitted to question any aspect of theu' fundamental 
doctrines. On the subject of indoctrination, the Soviets have failed 
to win over the overwhelming majority of their own university 
students who are seeking more freedoms, particularly the right to 
travel and to obtain books from the free world. Suuilarly, the 
Communists in the U.S.S.R. have had "setbacks" in trying to win 
over the minds of the African students whom they have tried to 
indoctrinate at the Patrice Lumumba Univei'sity. 

Mr, Harrhnan suggested that the competition and conflict between 
Peking and Moscow for Communist ideological leadership would lead 
to greater efforts on the part of both powers to make a favorable 
impression for their respective positions upon the international Com- 
munist movement. 

While the United States has had its setbacks since 1945, it was, he 
concluded, "winning the cold war." 

B. Views of Other Witnesses 

A majorily of the otlier witnesses hold views opposed to those held 
by Air. llarriman in their tally of the cold war balance sheet gener- 
ally and the training area particularly. All, based on their personal 
audits of the status of the cold war, agreed that a new, large-scale 
training school was necessary. 


Congressman Herlong, who first proposed the Freedom Academy 
bill in the House in 1959, joined the issue in his testimony by asking: 
"Aren't we losing the cold war pretty rapidly?" 

Mr. Grant, who over a decade of effort was spokesman for the pro- 
posed Academy, said that the Soviet Union, Red Chiiia, and their 
whole international apparatus are emplojnng an extraordinary variety 
of conflict instruments which enable them to outflank and envelop 
the more limited and hesitatingly applied instruments of our policy. 

Congressman Boggs observed that, while America is still the most 
revolutionary society on earth, it is "fantastic" that it is possible to 
export a dictatorial and repressive society called communism as a 
form of idealism, and not be able to explain the American ideal to the 
rest of mankind. 

Professor Atkinson pointed out that the Soviet bloc uses every 
device, including Commmiist-front organizations and their overt and 
covert propaganda and psychological operations, gradually to "whittle 
away" at the power of the comitry most capable of resisting them, 
in an attempt to isolate the United States, reduce its power, and 
"perhaps most of all to reduce its will." 

Professor Niemeyer shared this view when he told the committee 
that it is not boundaries, territories, or spheres of influence which are 
at stake, nor is a peace treaty the prospective outcome, in the cold war. 
The Commimists are fighting to "dissolve, decompose, disintegrate 
and destroy" American societ}^, institutions, and habits of thought 
and heart. 

In the past 17 years, said Mr. O'Connor, an attorney and expert on 
security affairs, millions of persons have been encircled and their 
nations regimented under the yoke of Moscow or Peking because of a 
"poison" administered in slow, measured, but lethal, doses to human- 
kind in all parts of the globe. 

"Who's next in the long string of captive nations — South Vietnam, 
Laos, Venezuela, Zanzibar?" asked Dr. Dobriansky in the com-se of 
his statement. The fundamental nature of the enemy, he said, had 
been clearly revealed many years before the outbreak of hostilities 
in 1939. 

Mr. Philbrick, a former FBI informant, said the cold war was a 
new kind of war, a war in a completely new dimension and "we don't 
even have an adequate name for it." The witness cited a comment 
made by the renowned air ace of World War I, Captain Eddy Ricken- 
backer, who said we are losing the cold war "because we refuse to 
admit we are in it." 


A. Views of the Department of State 

Mr. Harriman stated that the Government has a "strong interest" 
in helping to increase the knowledge and capacity of governments 
and peoples in dealing with Communist tactics. The United States, 
through such groups as the Organization of American States, as well 
as through bilateral measures, is aiding the nations of Latin America 
against local Communist infiltration and subversion. Furthermore, 
he continued, the United States is strengthening free labor unions 
and youth movements throughout the world. The right kind of 
information is being brought to the people of foreign countries through 


such agencies as the Agency for International Development and the 
United States Information Agency, he testified. 

If the people only understood, Mr. Harriman emphasized, where the 
Communist movement is going, there would not be such opposition 
to the foreign aid program. For example, Stalin wanted to take over 
Western Europe and, if it had not been for the Marshall plan and 
NATO, that area would be Communist dominated as Eastern Europe 
is today. Foreign aid, he said, is the only way to fight communism. 
In addition to our political policies, the "way we treat our friends and 
allies around the world" and the manner in which we exchange students 
are also vitally important. 

Domestically, the Government maintains "informal links with all 
sectors of our society." The Department of State brings leaders from 
business, labor, and the academic areas together to discuss foreign 
policy problems. In addition, he stressed, the Department of State 
and other agencies produce "a steady flow of pamphlets, reports, 
and other educational material" for the general public. 

B. Views of Other Witnesses 

In the area of Federal performance, the majority of the pro-Academy 
witnesses took to task the manner and means by which the United 
States is and has been waging the cold war. Federal programs and 
agencies involved were specifically mentioned by many witnesses who, 
as in the section above, differed sharply, almost f undamentalW, with 
the opinions and conclusions expressed by the Under Secretary of 
State, Mr. Harriman. 

The Freedom Academy concept, said Mr. Grant, "cuts across" the 
areas of responsibility of a number of agencies and does not readily 
fit into the traditional instruments of economic aid, military assistance, 
and diplomacy as conventionally applied; it runs "headon" into the 
inhibited, defensive attitude at the State Department. 

Congressman Herlong remarked on the same theme that those who 
advocate the continued use of conventional methods lose sight of the 
fact that "we are losing" by using conventional methods. Further- 
more, in many areas of conflict the Department of Stateisnonoperative. 

Mr. Mayers of the (^old War Council testified that, while the Gov- 
ernment has poured out billions of dollars aimually in foreign aid to 
nations abroad, what those countries need most of all is political aid. 
The amount of political impact that a USIA library has is very 
limited. And, he noted, the Communists never bother to set up 
libraries in other countries because they work so successfulh' tiirough 
their local propagandists. The USIA, Mayers said, has failed to 
adapt to the changing conditions of the cold war because its strategy 
has not changed since it was founded in 1948 — which was a year 
before China went Communist. 

Congressman Herlong told the committee that, while the Peace 
Corps has done a fine job, the task today is to train people in the art 
of recognizing Communist subversion — not just in the art of helping 
people. Congressman Boggs remarked that while both the FBI and 
the CIA are conducting the "highest type" of activity in security 
matters, what the Academy concept is proposing is not intelligence 
work, buttlieuse of Ameiica's "great reservoir of talent" in the cold 

Mr. Phil])rirk, the former FBI Communist Party contact, address- 
ing his remarks to the military aspects of the conflict, testified that 


despite the fact that the United States has the best trained Army, 
the toughest Marine Corps, the greatest Navy, and the most powerful 
Air Force, the Communists stfll captured Cuba with ease and not 
with third-, but fourth-dimensional weapons. 

In the Department of State itself, which is organized structurally 
by regions and countries, there is not a single office which is devoted 
to the problem of communism as such, nor how to combat it globally, 
testified Dr. Niemeyer of Notre Dame University. 

In the area of ideology, Dr. Kintner, a retired Army colonel, 
testified that the Psychological Strategy Board, where the witness had 
once served, had never been able to mount a positive ideological 
offensive because, some members had argued, in a pluralistic society 
such as America, the range and perplexities of its way of life were 
just too difficult to project. 

Regarding the cold war stewardship of the Department of State 
itself, a former Foreign Service officer of 12 years' experience told the 
committee that State's "Maginot Line" mentality is comfortable 
and the way up assured, but unfortunately the Communist opposition 
thinks otherwise— and it is they who force the pace. 

Behind the "verbally graced generalities" of certain executive 
agencies, observed Dr. Dobriansky, there exists an uncertainty of 
position, an apparent incapacity to grasp the structure of cold war 
thought. No agency of Government is equipped by intent or re- 
sources to meet Russia's cold war phenomena in all of its interrelated 
parts. One department vies with another, he said, to determine 
whether even food has a cold war value. 

On the same theme, Mrs. Chapelle, a foreign correspondent, rioted 
that in the case of Laos the objectives of the Departments of State and 
of Defense appear "ahnost mutually exclusive." Even the simple will 
to destroy the Communist threat in Laos was negated by the same 
confusion of intent which led to similar failures in Hungary, Algeria, 
and Cuba, areas which the witness had covered as a news cor- 


A. Views of the Department of State 

1. The Private Sector: Mr. Harriman stated that a more concen- 
trated course on how to fight the Communist threat and win the cold 
war — "incidentally, I think we are winning it," he said — could be 
better done by training Government officials while leaving the general 
instruction of private citizens to the universities. There are, he said, 
an increasing number of institutions of learning which are giving 
much attention to the same subjects which would be covered by the 
Freedom Academy. Some universities have "extremely good depart- 
ments" which are weU equipped in every aspect of Communist 
activities m the Soviet Union and other countries. The proper way 
to develop an understanding of the fundamental human values of 
freedom, Mr. Harriman suggested, is through the American educa- 
tional system. 

The witness supported the concept that the high schools of America 
should be encouraged to develop courses on the objectives of com- 
munism. Such com-ses should be taught by teachers who understand 
the evils and dangers to freedom created by communism; however, 


it is not the Government's role to train the Nation's teachers. Mr. 
Harriman was disposed to attach such training programs to one of the 
"great universities" or to permit the Government to encourage that 
type of study in other American universities — providing such assistance 
was made part of the general aid-to-education program and "left to 
the local authorities" to develop. 

On the subject of foreign student participation in the proposed 
Academj^, the witness remarked that there are 50,000 foreign students 
in America being trained now in a wide variety of specialties at many 
educational facilities. They may see for themselves the way that 
Americans live without assistance from others, he said. 

2. The Federal Sector: Foreign military personnel from many 
allied nations receive special training at the six U.S. War Colleges, the 
administration's witness stated. In addition to their particular 
specialt}'- or combat training, thej^ participate in the general aspects 
of the cold war and how to cope with particular problems. Further- 
more, senior officials from foreign police departments are also trained 
in the United States Police Academy, where they receive instructions 
on the maintenance of law and order as conducted in a democracy. 

Mr. Harriman also testified that the Department of State, in a 
"less adec^uate form," has the same goals in its existing Foreign Service 
Institute as has the new, administration-backed National Academy of 
Foreign Affau's. (The Department supported the NAFA as a sub- 
stitute measiu'e for the Freedom Academj'.) For example, the FSI 
recently added a new, though brief, course for senior and middle-level 
officers on the subject of counterinsurgency, he said. That 4- to 5- 
week course provided the 70 to 90 officers who had taken it with an 
up-to-date progi-am on changing Communist methods. 

However, the final solution to the training problem rests with the 
proposed National Academy of Foreign Affairs — not the Freedom 
Academy. The Department-sponsored NAFA would provide for the 
establishment cf an institution where training, education, and research 
would be undertaken. Plans for the creation of NAFA, first formal- 
ized in 1962, would "improve upon and supersede the existing FSI." 
Under the supervision of the Department of State, NAPW would con- 
duct the "training of many thousands of officers and employees" of the 
Federal Government who were working directly in the field of foreign 
afi'airs and national secvu'ity. Its training program would be main- 
tained on an interdepartmental basis, Mr. Harriman specified, and 
would include research into past cold war s\iccesses and failures, as 
well as future courses of action. NAFA training would be primarily 
for Government employees — not for large numbers of private citizens. 

B. V lews of Other Witnesses 

Mr. Grant's Orlando group had made exhaustive investigations 
of existing Government training progi-ams, including the War Colleges 
and tlie FSI, as well as the nuijor imiversities witli known progi'ams 
on commimism. Their investigation revealed that the new forms of 
cold war struggle are "superficially treated." And, he said, "there 
wasn't even an adequate ex])lanation of operational commimism." 
In general, the training of Federal officials in nonmilitary conflict 
tends to be "skimpy," Grant said, or even "nonexistent" in some 
instances. Nowhere did tlie Orlando group find professional training 
in dentil. 


There is inadequate, intermediate-level training of operational 
personnel of the type needed to implement an advanced, integrated 
strategy. There is neither a Government nor university training 
program that deals with the difficult and sophisticated subject of 
Communist political warfare, insurgency, and subversion — much less 
the means of defeating it. Grant said. A new Foreign Service officer, 
taking the Foreign Service Institute's Basic Officers Course of 8 weeks 
prior to leaving for his foreign post, receives only 6 hours' instruction 
in all ])hases of communism. Fifteen years later, in mid-career as an 
FSO 4 or 5, he receives another 6 hours on Communist strategy and 
tactics. Another 10 years later, after 25 years of service, when the 
officer has reached the rank of FSO 1 or 2, he receives a 9-month 
course in foreign policy, which includes only 1 week on the subject of 
communism, said Grant. 

There also appeared to be little interest in, or understanding of, 
the major role which the private sector could perform globally in 
defeating communism and building free and viable nations. With 
few limited exceptions, in or out of Government, there is no educa- 
tional program for foreign nationals which would provide them with 
the knowledge and motivation necessar}^ to participate in the defeat 
of communism. 

Particularly disturbing, the witness said, was the "bland indiffer- 
ence * * * especially at the Department of State, when the above 
research and training gaps are pointed out." 

However, following the presentation of the Orlando group's findings 
about the anti-Communist training gap to the White House and the 
subsequent appointment of an official fact-finding committee by the 
President, the Department of State proposed NAFA as its solution 
to the training gap. Their proposal. Grant said, would "simply 
give more people the same inadequate courses presently offered at the 
Foreign Service Institute" because there was no indication that a 
major revision in the FSI's com'ses was anticipated. Furthermore, 
while the NAFA would make technical provisions for private citizens 
and foreign nationals, the Department of State had made it "very 
clear" that it had no interest in these sources of students — and the 
modest difference between the NAFA budget and the FSI budget 
justified that conclusion. (The FSI is divided into a language school 
and a school of foreign affau's, but the latter receives only 40 percent 
of the total FSI budget of $5.7 milHon. The FSI's "operational" 
budget is about $4 million, while the operational fund for the new 
NAFA would be only $6.7 million, an increase of mereh^ $2.7 million. 
This indicated that only a small sum would be left for research and 
the maintenance of an adequate library- — and no funds for traming 
foreign students. Furthermore, the key language setting up the 
research, training functions, and duties of the director of the NAFA 
had been "copied verbatim" from the old FSI statute of 1946, indi- 
cating the lack of any training changes to meet the diverse conditions 
of the cold war which have come into being since then. Grant testified. 

Dr. Possony testified that library capabilities have not kept pace 
with the growth of research requirements. In fact, he said, the 
U.S.A. does not have in all of the American libraries put together a 
complete set of Communist newspapers which are published in Latin 
America. Concerning African and Asian newspapers, brochures, and 
books, the procurement situation is worse. Concerning Federal train- 


ing programs, the witness testified that the curriculum at the FSI is 
very weak in the nonmUitary courses of the cold war which have to 
be studied if the U.S. is not to lose the conflict. (The witness recalled 
that 12 ;^ears ago he had heard a State Department representative 
confidentially say that "we had won the cold war already.") 

The Department of State has not even contemplated the need for 
fundamental research, he continued. While the Department should 
train its own employees, Possony remarked, the training of private 
students must not be its responsibility since the Freedom Academy 
concept is based on the fact that, inasmuch as the threat is national in 
scope, the Nation at large has to be trained. The witness observed 

If the study of medicine were organized like we have or- 
ganized the study of the greatest threat this Nation and 
world freedom have ever been facing, the Black Death of the 
Middle Ages still would be with us and our life expectancy 
would be that of the Troglodytes. 

The simple enlargement of the FSI would not promise any improve- 
ment over past performance in the deficiencies of training, testified 
Dr. Niemeyer. In addition, he said, he was not aware of any private 
university program where people could be trained in problems of cold 
warfare. "There simply is no such program," he said. 

Concerning college training programs, Mr. McDoweU declared 
that existing institutions were, by their nature, academic. They 
should not issue working instructions on how to carry on political 

Anti-Freedom Academy people fallaciously magnify the modest 
instruction on communism at tne War College and the FSI, said Dr. 
Dobriansky. To refer to existing Federal schools as comparable to 
Moscow's "is the height of either ignorance or reckless foolery," he 

While AID and the Department of Defense train thousands of 
foreign technicians and military personnel annually, they receive no 
real, coordinated political warfare instruction, said Congressman 

Although AID trained over 7,000 foreic^n students last year, testi- 
fied Dr. Kintner, the subjects were only u-rigational and educational 
techniques — not communism. In the private sector, university 
studies on the cold war have not had the emphasis or the backing neces- 
sary because very few major foundations would put mone}^ into 
such activity, he remarked. 

"Do we not possess sufficient training activities throughout the 
Government?" rhetorically asked Mr. Delaney, a former Foreign 
Service oflficial who had attended most of them. They lack co- 
ordination, communality, perspective, and completeness, the witness 

Private universities have increased their curriculum on Commmiist 
studies over the past decade, but their Kremlinology has tended to 
focus attention on the cha?}ges in the C^omnnmist world or the (HJfer- 
ences between Communist countries, rather than on the continuation 
and perfection of the Communist apparatus and its subversive opera- 
tions abroad, Mr. Emmet testified. The effect, tliorcfore, was "to 
substitute s})oculati<)ns al)()ut changed Comnumist iritentions for the 
study of Comnmnist cai)ahiliti€s" of subversion and aggi'cssion. 


Mr. Pliilbrick testified that the Department of Education of New 
Jersey had hu-ed him to lectm'e at all of theii* teachers' colleges on 
the subject of conmiunism because "they knew not where else to 
tui'n" for authoritative information. Following a speech before 12,000 
teachers m another State, many teachers approached him, the witness 
said, and remarked that they did not have "a single, solitary textbook 
to use in om' schools to teach our children anything about com- 

Faced with negotiating an armistice m Korea with the Communists, 
Admiral Biu-ke had had only 10 days to prepare himself on the tactics 
of Communist-style negotiations. Searchmg the libraries in Japan 
and the armed services facilities there, he found "only one good 
book." It became apparent, he said, that during the negotiations, 
skilled Communist propagandists "were taking advantage of us" by 
tellmg the whole world that the United States had been defeated 
in Korea. 

The witness noted that the best tramed people in the United States 
on the subject of communism are "self- trained," but the American 
people, as a whole, are not. This lack of knowledge, although accom- 
panied by the utmost good will, has foimd Americans acting frequently 
without a verj' clear idea of what the Communists are up to. 

Concerning Federal traming programs, the witness stated that if 
the Department of State had intended to expand its existing schools, 
"it would have been done a long time ago, and it hasn't been done." 

On the subject of Government training programs, Mr. Berle said 
that men who had gone abroad on foreign aid projects, the Alliance 
for Progress program, and other technical assignments, as well as a 
good many businessmen, have had to learn for themselves. They 
learned on the job, but it took a long time. 

Speaking of the need for trained Government press personnel 
abroad, Mrs. Chapelle said the press corps would be in a difficult 
position "were we to depend on official briefings." She added that, 
with the existence of a Freedom Academy, reporters would not be as 
"misled and misadvised" by intent or design as they had been. 


1. An Independent or Dependent Academy? 

A. Views oj the Department oj State 

The Freedom Academy would not provide an effective answer to 
the training requirements of the Department of State, Mr. Harriman 
said, because it would not be practical, administratively. Such train- 
ing should be conducted only on an interdepartmental basis. Sec- 
ondly, the use of classified materials necessary for effective research 
would be impossible with a large student body of private citizens and 
foreign nationals. Their presence, the witness thought, would tend 
to inhibit freedom of discussion within the classroom. Since training 
must be "realistically geared to actual day-to-day problems" and to 
the Government's requirements. Federal personnel must have access to 
classified materials to perform their job. Therefore, an independent 
Freedom Academy without any operational responsibilities would not 
be an effective solution. 


B. Views oj Other Witnesses 

The Freedom Academy must be an independent agency, free from 
the smothermg influence of the Department of State which has had 
17 years to adjust its own FSI to the new forms of warfare but has 
not done so, said Mr. Alan Grant. As a dependency of the State 
Department, the Academy would not train private or foreign citizens, 
nor conduct the type of imaginative research required to close the 
training gap — research which, in the past, had been limited by 
"parochial attitudes" and "jurisdictional walls," he said. 

Since the Freedom Academy would be devoted entirely to research 
and training, it would be nonoperational and, therefore, not part of 
the Government's "country team" operating, for example, in Vietnam 
or India. Nor would it make or implement policy, he testified, be- 
cause to prevent such abuses an Advisory Committee, composed of 
personnel from other agencies, would monitor the Academy. (Speak- 
ing analogously, Grant said that the reason for the success of the 
Peace Corps was due largely to the fact that it was not controlled by 
the Department of State, as that Department had desired initially. 
At the Director's insistence, he said, the Corps was given an inde- 
pendent status.) 

Since the proposed Academy would be stricth- an educational insti- 
tute rather than an operating agency, securit}^ requirements would not 
be necessary for the foreign students attending the shorter courses. 
Furthermore, these students would not be using classified materials 
nor attendhig classified briefings, Grant pointed out. 

The existence of a Freedom Academy independent of the Depart- 
ment of State, thereby assuring the separation of policy from in- 
struction, would not be any more difficult than the establishment of 
a specialized State university, testified Dr. Possony. The Govern- 
ment would be involved only to the extent that it would be the source 
of funds and technical information. Also, the executive branch 
would have representatives on the Academy's Advisory Committee 
who would advise, but not doininate nor censor, nonconformist 
viewpomts, the professor said. Major prerequisites for the Academy 
to assure its autonomy would consist of a diversity of instruction 
materials, full discussion and debate within the context of academic 
freedom, and complete library facilities. 

The Academy's flexibility, Mr. McDowell testified, would come 
from the "yoking of the private resoui-ces of society." Contradicting 
Mr. Harriman's view that the type of training being considered 
should be conducted secreth^ under Federal auspices, McDowell 
quoted an Ambassador from an allied country to the effect that 
"We can only survive, not with the creation of some vast, secret * * * 
apparatus to match the Conuuunists, but only insofar as we * * * 
teach more people like ourselves * * * who realize that our under- 
standing of the foe is fundamental * * * ." 

Mr. Mayers added in this vein that there should be nothing secret 
about selling "concepts of progressive government and the ideology* 
of a free people in an open society." 

Mr. Monison testified that any institute set up under the Depart- 
ment of State would lose its effectiveness in Latin America because in 
some countries American Eni])assy jXMSdiuiel do not mix with the 
nationals— a practice resented by the local i)ec)ples. The De}>arlment, 


being an operational agency, would not be the "proper place" to 
establish an Academy open to private citizens, observed Mr. Jones. 

Mr. O'Connor, a New York City security officer, testified that the 
Academy's Advisory Comnuttee should be composed of members of 
Congress exclusively, while Mr. Philbrick and Adniiral Burke sug- 
gested that Congress should have some representation on the board 
since it had done much of the "vanguard work" concerning Com- 
munist activities. 

Speaking to the need for the inclusion of private students in the 
Academy, Mr. Berle remarked that the Freedom Academy should 
train the "endless numbers of foreign boys" who want to find out 
what the U.S.A. is all about and how American methods may be 
adapted to theirs. In the same area, Mrs. Chapelle said that com- 
munication with foreign nations on a "human being to human being 
level" should be a primary concern of the proposed institute. 

The Nation's "biggest asset," testified Mr. Robinson, was the 
thousands of non-Government people who go abroad each year. To 
capitalize on this asset requires an independent organization vnth the 
flexibility to change pohcy and strategy and to move with greater 
speed and less suspicion than an academy under a Federal depart- 

Mr. Joyce informed the committee that the 35,000 American busi- 
nessmen Who work overseas and who remain in their posts longer 
than Federal personnel abroad have a wider range of direct contact 
with local citizens than the latter. Further, these businessmen can 
do more by word and deed to influence local attitudes than American 
officials. With background training they could be more effective 
exponents of this country's economic and social system. Unfor- 
tunately, he said, the talents and resources are available, but "there 
has been no real move to conscript them." 

2. An Educational or Indoctrinational Institute? 

A. Views of the Department of State. — The proposed authorization 
which would permit the Freedom Commission to select courses and 
to "prepare, make, and publish textbooks * * * suitable for high 
school, college, and community level instruction" would be a "drastic 
departure" from American tradition concerning the Government's 
role in the educational field, Mr. Harriman warned. Such a pohcy 
would embark the executive branch upon the systematic indoctrina- 
tion and mobilization of private citizens to fight the cold war. (By 
the term "indoctrination," the witness said he meant "a type of brain- 
washing" or "thought control" such as the Communists impose upon 
theh- students.) Upon the completion of their courses at the pro- 
posed Academy, foreign students would be instantly labled "Yankee 
stooges" when they returned home, the Department official suggested. 

B. Views of Other Witnesses 

The proposed Academy would have primarily an educational func- 
tion, stated Mr. Grant. It would produce and distribute pubhcations 
for the general public as well as reports — some confidential— for the 
President, the National Security Council, and other agencies on a 
suggestion-type basis. The confidential material, however, would not 
deal with Government policy, but would "research and catalogue" all 
of the possibilities for private participation in the global struggle. 

53-32.3—65 3 


The substance of the educational portion would consist of a three- 
level program for Government personnel composed of basic, inter- 
mediate, and advanced courses — the last, an intense "prestige" type 
training of 2 years' duration. Private students in substantial num- 
bers could be accommodated for 2 weeks or 2 months of brief instruc- 
tion. However, it was conceivable that a three-school Academy 
would have to be created, consisting of divisions for Government, 
private, and foreign students, he said. 

An estimated budget of $35 million would provide a satisfactory 
annual minimum which would sustain an enrollment of up to 10,000 
private citizens, 500 Government students, and 500 foreign nationals, 
Grant said. The remaining funds w^ould support a substantial 
research effort. (Paretithetically, the witness noted that AID 
trained 8,000 foreign nationals oti an expenditure of $40 million last 

Grant suggested that the Academy be located in Washington, D.C., 
because of the sources of students available there, as well as the city's 
unique research facilities. 

The Academy would work with the private educational community, 
not indoctrinate it, said Dr. Possony. It would, in fact, act as a sup- 
port agenc}^ for the private educators and in return would rely upon 
the universities for speakers and other resources. 

That the proposed Academy would bring Federal controls to 
American education was an "alarmist phrase" and a "red flag," said 
Mr. Mayers. When the Departments of Agriculture or Commerce 
issue informational materials to farmers and businessmen, no one 
contends that those agencies seek to control the farming or business 
communities. Mayers observed that the key phraseology in the 
proposed NAFA bill was identical to that in the Academj" bill, and yet 
the NAFA proponents have chosen to call their goals "educational" 
while the Academy's are labeled "indoctrinational." 

On the same tlieme, Congressman Taft said that Americans would 
not have to be indoctrinated to know" which political direction to 
take in the cold war. The job at hand was not indoctrination, he 
submitted, but the exposure of the techniques and strategems of 

Mr. Harriman's objection that graduates of the Freedom Academy 
might be branded as U.S. agents has been made against almost any 
American-trained person returning to a partially hostile environment, 
said Dr. Kinter. Mr. Robinson added that the Convmuuists had 
tried to pin the "stooges" label upon a private student group in Africa 
which he had supervised. The Comnmnists would try to do the same 
with the Academy's graduates, he surmised. Mr. Delanov, in contrib- 
uting to this dialogue, said that if the Academv should become a 
reality "we can absolutely count" on a barrage of Conununist propa- 
ganda directed against it. He reminded the connnittee that the same 
type of massive attack had been launched against the U.S. escapee 
program — a humanitarian effort from beginning to end. 

In making a plea for the inclusion of the private sector in the 
proposed training program, Mr. Philbrick, who had spent 9 years in 
the Communist Party, testified that years ago he and 300 other 
youngsters were entrapped into joining a Communist front in Massa- 
chusetts. The youths were no more equipped to cope with Com- 
munist-trained agents than a "5-year-old boy is prepared to fly a jet 


airplane." Furthermore, textbooks as well as guidance from their 
teachers were inadequate, the witness stated, and some of the instruc- 
tors themselves joined the same front. Party members spun rings 
around them, too, he said. 

That the Communist Party places the highest priority on instruc- 
tion and trainmg was developed by Congressman Gubser who testified 
that, when Lenin captured Russia, a training system that "has grown 
to 6,000 special schools" was established to teach propaganda, espi- 
onage, and subversion. Mr. Fascell, chairman of the Subcommittee 
on International Organization and Movements of the House Foreign 
Affairs Committee, stated that the U.S.S.R. appropriates $5 billion 
annually to operate their schools. Mr. Clausen added that nearly 
300,000 Communist-trained agents operate within the free world. 
On the same subject, Mr. Delaney testified that since 1958, three- 
quarters of Communist China's graduates from a leading training 
school for "special agents" have been sent to Latin America. Ironi- 
cally, China does not enjoy diplomatic relations with most of the 
nations of that subcontinent, Delaney said. And yet, in spite of 
this handicap, the Communists have succeeded in establishing a 
"system of unconventional diplomacy" in utilizing over 20 so-called 
friendship associations. The former Foreign Service officer testified 
that the U.S. Government cannot effectively counter these measures 
through its formalized approach. Furthermore, since the Depart- 
ment of State is responsible for the formal and official channels of 
diplomacy, it would be placed in an embarrassing international 
position, Delaney added, were it to sponsor the proposed anti-Com- 
munist Academy. For reasons of statecraft, he said, such a dependent 
Academy in the Department would lack the necessary noncomformist 
atmosphere. In addition, the young institute would be subject to 
the jurisdictional "puUing and tugging" within the executive branch 
to gain control over it. 

Rejecting the theme of indoctrination, Mr. Berle said that there 
was a "common denominator" behind the thinking of all Americans. 
Indoctrination in that context, he said, might be good (e.g., personal 
freedom, significance of the individual), but there should be no fear 
of indoctrination in its real sense. On this theme. Congressman 
Gubser said that the basis of freedom was freedom of choice — and 
"we do not wish to impose our choice upon others." The Depart- 
ment of State does not understand that academic freedom can exist 
only where knowledge is freely available — but in some areas, only 
Communist information is obtainable. It is not preserving freedom 
of choice, the legislator said, to aUow a vacuum to exist into which 
Communist propaganda can move and win without opposition. 


While the overall objectives of the world Communist movement 
and the U.S. Communist Party remain constant, changes occur 
within the movement and the party affecting the organizational 
structure as well as the tactics and strategy employed for the ac- 
complishment of their objectives. 

When a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
held public hearings in Buffalo, N.Y., on April 29 and 30, 1964, it 
was aware from preliminary investigations that signfficant changes 


had occurred in the organization and activities of the Communist 
Party since previous committee hearings in Buffalo in 1957. The 
committee had also found that two new revolution arj'' Communist 
organizations, the Workers World Party and the Progressive Labor 
Movement, had come into being in that area since 1957. 

The Workers World group had been founded by former members 
of the Socialist Workers Party in Buffalo who had left the old-line 
Trotskjast-Communist organization because they believed it was 
not sufficiently revolutionary in its outlook. 

The Progressive Labor Movement had grown out of a faction 
within the orthodox Communist Party which, defying the main 
party's position, sided with Peking in the ideological dispute between 
the Chinese Communists and Moscow. Its members also disagreed 
with the policy adopted b}^ the National Committee of the CPUSA 
on the course of action to be taken when the Supreme Court upheld 
the registration provisions of the Internal Security Act in 1961. 
This policy was to reduce the national leadership of the Communist 
Party to three aujd ignore the registration order. The dissident 
faction wanted to dissolve the Communist Party and re-form it under 
a new name. It felt this would obviate the need for the party to 
re^ster under the Internal Security Act of 1950. 

Expelled from the Communist Party in 1961 for refusing to toe 
its line, Mortimer Scheer, a leader of the faction, and his supporters 
organized in Buffalo the nucleus of a new and extremely militant 
Communist group, the Progressive Labor Movement, which now has 
its headquarters in New York City. 

The multiplication of Communist groups advocating revolutionary 
action to alter our constitutional form of government increases 
this Nation's internal security problems. The committee has, 
therefore, endeavored to obtain as much information as possible 
about the extent, character, and objectives of various Conmmnist 
"splinter" organizations as well as the Community Party, L^.S.A. 
Such information is essential to fulfillment of the connnittee's mandate 
to inform the Congress on the extent of the Connnunist conspiracy 
in this country and propose suitable legislative remedies. 

Fifteen witnesses were interrogated bv the committee in the course 
of its hearings in Buffalo last April. The most informative testimony 
was provided by Andrew Berecz, who had served as an undercover 
operative for the F'ederal Bureau of Investigation and reported on 
Communist activities in tJie Buffalo area from 1942 until October 1962. 

Mr. Berecz testified about a number of important strategy and 
organizational changes effected within the Communist Part}'- over the 
last 15 years. Among them was a reorganization of the local party 
apparatus which was put into effect by the pai'ty's national leadership 
after the aforementioned Supreme Court decision of 1961 whicli 
upheld the registration requirements of the Internal Seciu'ity Act. 
As a trusted member of the Erie County organization of the party — 
which covers the Buffalo area — Mr. Berecz was an eyewitness to the 
dissension which broke out in the party over the wa}' the national 
leadership responded to the Supreme Court's decision. He was 
present at pjirty conclaves where national party leaders brought an 
end to local dissension by sunnnarily expelling Niortimer Scheer juid 
other party members, thus precipitating the founding of the rival 
Progressive Labor Movement. 


The remaininp; witnesses questioned by the committee at its 
hearings in Buffalo had been identified as members of the local 
Communist Party organization by Mr. Berecz or other former party 
members who had testified before the committee in previous years. 
Information in the possession of the committee indicated that many 
of the individuals interrogated during the Buffalo hearings had 
become active in the Progressive Labor Movement in Buffalo in 
recent years. Without exception, these w^itnesses invoked their 
constitutional privileges against self-incrimination in response to 
committee questions regarding their activities in the Communist 
Party and/or the Progressive Labor Movement. 

In comphance with Rule XI, sec. 26 (m), of the House, Mr. Berecz' 
testimony had first been taken in executive session and all persons 
identified by him as Communists, whose present addresses could be 
determined, had been so notified. They had also been informed 
that, if they desired, they might appear before the committee in 
executive session prior to the holding of public hearings and that 
the committee would then not only receive their testimony, but 
would also consider any requests made by them to subpena additional 
^vitnesses in their behalf. None of the witnesses summoned for the 
Buffalo hearings, nor any of the other persons in the area who were 
notified that they had been identified as Communists by Mr. Berecz, 
took advantage of this opportunity. 

In his testimony before the committee, Mr. Berecz recalled his 
encounter with the Communist Party back in 1942 when he was chair- 
man of the International Workers Order Center in Buffalo. At that 
time Mr. Berecz refused to capitulate to a demand by party members 
that the Center contribute $600 to the Daily Worker. A general 
membership meeting was called at which Mr. Berecz announced that 
he never had been, and would never become, a Communist. He was 
then deposed as chali-man of the Center, but was allowed to retain his 
position as financial secretary of its Hungarian Section, a post he had 
held since the late 1930's. 

The following day Mr. Berecz received a visit from three FBI 
agents. He agreed to report to them on Communist activities at the 
Center, and later to join the party if the opportunity developed and 
report on its activities in the Buffalo area. 

This was the beginning of an assignment in the service of our Nation 
which w^as to last for 20 years. 

From 1942 until 1946 he reported to the Bureau on Communist 
activities at the Center. In 1946 he was able to increase the scope of 
his information when he accepted an invitation to join the party. 

At that time, Mr. Berecz was employed at the bonding plant of the 
American Radiator & Standard Sanitary Corporation. The party 
assigned him to its industrial club ^ at that plant. 

As a steelworker and a party member, Mr. Berecz was in a position 
to observe Communists in action as they sought to implement the 
party's policy of concentration in the steel industry. He identified 
at least six members of the Communist Party who were assigned to 
the industrial club before its dissolution in the 1950's when the party 
instituted new security measures. Under these measures the party 
organized community clubs with a membership of not less than four, 
nor more than eight. Mr. Berecz was then assigned to the Tona- 

' The Bond Club of the Industrial Section of the Erie County Communist Party. 


wanda Club. His last assignment in the Communist Party was in a 
nationality club, which, the witness testified, was organized by the 
Erie County branch of the party in late 1961 to create a nationality 
culture and background group in order to gain new members. 


Mr. Berecz' testimony regarding Communist penetration of basic 
industiy called attention to a serious internal security problem. 

In the late 1940's when the CIO was in the process of expelling 
Conununist-controUed unions from its ranks and many unions were 
ridding themselves of officers who were Communists, the power of the 
Communist Party to exert influence over large masses of American 
laborers and over industry itself was threatened. 

To rebuild its power within the American labor movement, the 
Communist Party at that time adopted a policy of "colonization," 
whereb}' selected party members were sent into key industries in 
order to build party units within these industries. 

J. Peters, for many years top leader of the Communist underground 
apparatus, organized "colonizer" classes which were composed of 
young men from colleges and universities who were loyal to the party. 
These young people have been described by John Lautner, a former 
party official, as "professional revolutionaries" who would leave their 
homes at any time and go anywhere the party assigned them,- 

They were instructed by the Communist Party to migrate to 
certain industrial areas and obtain emplojTiient as laborers in stra- 
tegic plants where workers were not organized in unions under Com- 
munist control. Colonizers were usually, but not always, highly ed- 
ucated individuals capable of assuming much better positions than 
the "hard labor" jobs they sought in the miUs and shops. And, 
in their applications for employment, they would conceal the fact that 
they held one or more college degrees. 

The immediate aim of these Communist agents was to gain the con- 
fidence of the workers in order to build party units. They also sought 
to enhance the party's position in labor circles by discrediting anti- 
Communist union leadership and creating dissension within non- 
Communist unions, hoping that, at the very least, some indi\'iduals 
who would tolerate Communist activities in the labor movement might 
be selected for union leadership. However, the clear-cut danger 
of a party colonizer was his concealed, preplanned part in a vast 
network of secret party members, composed of potential saboteurs 
and espionage agents. 

The Communist Party's effort to colonize Buffalo industiy became 
apparent to Andrew Berecz shortly after 1950, when many party 
members from New York City moved into the Buffalo area. He 
identified nine individuals as Communist Party colonizers in the 
Buffalo area. 

Five of these individuals, Paul Sporn, Seymour (S}') Rudner, 
Miroslaw (Marty) Zelman, Walter Zvaloko, and Edward Wolken- 
stein, woi'o summoned to testify at the Buffalo hearings. (The 
testimony of Zelman, Zvaleko, and WolkensLein will be described in 
later sections of this sununary covering other subjects of the commit- 
tee's Buffalo hearings.) 

' nCUA, Hearings, Investlgalion of InfiUralion and Propaganda ActivUia in Basic Industry (Gary, Ind. 
Area) 1968. 


Paul Sporu and Sy Rudner had left the steel mills and shops in 
recent years and returned to academic and scientific fields. 

In his appearance before the committee, Mr. Sporn acknowledged 
that he had been ^jraduated with honors from New York University in 
1951. Committee counsel then presented him with copies of his 
applications to four Buffalo industrial firms for employment as a 
laborer. On each of the applications, dating from 1953 through 1955, 
Mr. Sporn had admitted to only a high school education, concealing 
the fact that he was a college graduate. The witness acknowledged 
that he had executed the applications and had worked for the firms in 
such capacities as riveter and machine operator. 

In his application to the Twin Coach Company, Paul Sporn had 
signed the statement: 'T am not a member of the Communist Party 
or any organization recommending the overthrow of the United 
States Government." But Mr. Sporn refused to answer questions 
regarding this statement on the basis of protection afforded him 
by the fifth amendment to the Constitution. Invoking the same 
constitutional privilege, he also refused to answer questions regarding 
Communist Party membership at the time he sought employment 
with the Chevrolet Division of General Motors in 1955. 

Mr. Sporn testified that he was an English instructor at the State 
University of New York at Buffalo at the time of his appearance 
before the subcommittee and that he had been employed by the 
university since 1959. 

He was then shown a certificate which set forth certain qualifica- 
tions for employment at the university and regulations to be followed 
by all State university employees under New York State law. The 
certificate was dated February 6, 1964, and signed "Paul Sporn." 

In this document, Mr. Sporn certified that he had followed the 
instructions as set forth. He further certified that he was not a 
member of the Communist Party and, if he ever had been, he had 
communicated the fact to the president of the university. 

In his appearance before the committee, however, Mr. Sporn in- 
voked the fifth amendment and declined to answer all questions re- 
garding this document on the grounds that to do so might tend to 
incriminate him. 

Sworn testimony by Andrew Berecz revealed that, at a Communist 
Party meeting in Buffalo in October 1961, Ben Davis had "invited" 
Paul Sporn to leave the Communist Party. This action occurred 
diu"ing a dispute over party policy in which Sporn had sided with 
Mortimer Scheer. 

Mr. Sporn refused either to affirm or deny this testimony. He also 
refused to affirm or deny committee information that he subsequently 
became active in the Progressive Labor Movement. 

Seymour Rudner, also identified as a Communist Party colonizer 
in the Buffalo area, had once been employed at American Radiator 
and Standard Sanitary Corporation and had been a member of the 
same industrial club of the party to which Mr. Berecz was assigned. 

At the time of the split in the Erie County branch of the Com- 
munist Party in October 1961, Rudner was elevated to one of the top 
posts in the area — he was appointed to the four-member secretariat 
selected by Ben Davis to direct party activity in the Buffalo area, 
according to Mr. Berecz. 


Appearing under oath, Mr. Rudner was questioned about his 
educational and employment background, his membership and 
activity in the Communist Party, and the cooperation between the 
Communist Party and the Progressive Labor Movement in matters 
involving Cuba and Red China. He refused to answer any questions 
put to him on these matters on the ground that it might tend to 
incriminate him. 

It is a matter of record that Seymour Rudner has most recently 
been employed by Health Research, Inc., a division of the Roswell 
Park Memorial Institute in Buffalo, which is engaged in research 
under contract with the National Institutes of Health of the U.S. 
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. 

Organization and Structure 

Communist Party activity in the Buffalo, N.Y., area has tradi- 
tionally been under the direction of the chairman of the Erie County 
organization of the party. In October 1961 the party structure was 
abruptly changed by Ben Davis, national secretary of the CPUSA. 
He expelled Erie County chakman Mortimer Scheer from the party 
and appointed a four-man secretariat to direct party acti\dty in the 
Buffalo area. 

This change in party organization was the outgrowth of a disagree- 
ment between the national leadership of the CPUSA and the local 
leaders of its Erie County branch over the policy adopted by the 
party's national committee following the Supreme Court decision of 
1961, which upheld the registration provisions of the Internal Security 
Act. As previously noted, this policy would reduce the national 
leadership to only three individuals and simply ignore the registration 

Mortimer Scheer and others who wanted a more mihtant and 
aggressive Communist Party had opposed this course of action. They 
proposed to dissolve the CPUSA technically, but to re-form it under 
a new name — a procedure which they felt would obviate the need for 
the party to register under the Internal Security Act. 

A meeting to resolve the issue was held at the home of John Mc- 
Kenzie in October 1961. Mr. Berecz, who was present at the meeting, 
said it was attended by Ben Davis and Lou Weinstock, Communist 
Party officials from New York City, Paul Sporn, Gloria and Anthony 
Massa, Gertrude and Richard Alexander, Edward Wolkenstein, 
Walter and Vera Zvaleko, Marty and Dorothy Zelman, Bea and ^tax 
Berman, Sy Rudner, Hattie Lumpkin, and Mortimer Scheer of the 
Erie Count}- branch of the party. 

A resolution from Communist Party headquartei's in New York 
was presented to the meeting by Ben Davis. It called for Mortimer 
Scheer, Edward W^olkenstein, and Walter Zvaleko to "get in line with 
the national committee's polic}-" or face expulsion. 

The trio refused to obey the ultimatum and were immediately ex- 
pelled from tlie party by Ben Davis. Mr. Berecz testified that Davis 
also "invited" certain members from the Buffalo area who spoke in 
defense of Mortimer Scheer to "go with" Scheer. 

A four-member secretariat was then appointed b}' Ben Davis to 
run the party in tlio Buffalo area. Hattio Lumpkin refused tlie ap- 
pointment, leaving Tony Massa, Marty Zolinan, and Sy Rudner to 


head the Erie Count}^ Communist Party. In July 1962 Tony Massa, 
having- been accused of being "antagonistic" toward some of the mem- 
bers, was removed from the secretariat by Wilhara Patterson. 

Massa's wife, Gloria, was subsequently appointed to the secretariat, 
replacing her husband. 

The three members of the secretariat, Marty Zelman, Sy Rudner, 
and Gloria Massa, were subpenaed to appear before the committee 
during the Buffalo hearings. They invoked fifth amendment pro- 
visions against self-incrimination in response to committee questions 
regarding their leadership roles in the Erie County Communist Party. 

The Dissident Communists 

Walter Zvaleko and Edward Wolkenstein, two dissident Communists 
expelled from the party along with Mort Scheer in 1961, also were 
subpenaed to testify at the hearings in Buffalo. 

Andrew Berecz had testified that Mr. Zvaleko and Mr. Wolkenstein 
originally came into the Buffalo area as "colonizers" for the Com- 
munist Party. They were expelled from the party with Mort Scheer 
at a local party meeting attended by national party officers in October 
1961. Mr. Berecz described both men as being outspoken in their 
support of Scheer and in their opposition to national party policy. 
The committee has learned that both subsequently became active in 
the Progressive Labor Movement which Scheer helped found. 

Mr. Zvaleko invoked the fifth amendment and other reasons in de- 
clining to answer questions pertaining to past or present membership 
in the Communist Party. He also refused to testify about his expul- 
sion from the party or his accjuaintance with Mr. Berecz. 

When counsel asked if he was then a member of the Progressive 
Labor Movement, ]Mr. Zvaleko declared : 

The Progressive Labor Movement is a new socialist move- 
ment that is looking to solve the problems of the American 
people, trying to free the Negro people from the bondage that 
they face in the South. 

The witness was then directed to answer the question. He invoked 
the fifth amendment and other reasons for refusing to answer. 

Edward Wolkenstein had been a witness before the committee 
during its 1957 hearings in Buffalo. At that time, he testified that 
he was not then a member of the Communist Party, but invoked the 
fifth amendment and refused to answer questions pertaining to past 
party membership. 

Andrew Berecz had recalled that Mr. Wolkenstein had been the first 
to speak after the party's national secretary, Ben Davis, dehvered an 
ultimatum to Buffalo Communists at the October 1961 meeting, 
warning them to get in line with national party policy. Berecz 
remembered tha^t: 

Mr. Wolkenstein said quite a few things at that time. He 
stated that he was born in the Communist Party and he 
would like to die in it, but Mr. Ben Davis had other ideas. 
He said he might have been born in it, but he wasn't going to 
die in it unless he fell in line with the national committee. 


Edward Wolkenstein invoked constitutional protection, including 
the fifth amendment, in response to all committee questions regarding 
his activity in the Communist Party, his expulsion from the party, 
and his activity in behalf of the Progressive Labor Movement. 

The committee questioned four other witnesses whose connections 
with the Communist Party have been the subject of testimony before 
the committee and who, the committee has learned, subsequently 
became associated with the Progressive Labor Movement. They 
were: Richard Alexander and his wife, Gertrude Alexander, Helen 
Schwartz, and Joseph Pranis. All of them invoked their constitu- 
tional privileges in response to pertinent committee questions. 

It might be noted that during the period the Alexanders were active 
in the Communist Party, they were assigned to a party committee 
on nuclear testing. According to Andrew Berecz, they were engaged 
in passing out leaflets demanding an end to nuclear testing at the 
very time Russia exploded a 50-megaton bomb. Disturbed by this 
action, they asked Anthony ^Lissa for an explanation. He informed 
them that the answer would have to come from the party's New 
York headquarters. Some weeks later, Mr. Massa informed the 
Buffalo Communists that "Khrushchev said that the free nations 
were against him and that they were doing it in secret and that is 
why he had to test the 50-megaton bomb." 

Gertrude Alexander was also assigned to work in the Women 
Strike for Peace and the Women's International League for Peace 
and Freedom. 

A number of other individuals were interrogated regarding testimony 
that they have been members of the Erie Count}^ organization of the 
Communist Party. These witnesses, who without exception invoked 
their constitutional privileges in response to committee questions, were: 
Joseph Scioli, Max Berman, Emanuel Fried, and Tobias Schwartz. 


On June 24, 25, and 26, 1964, a subcommittee of the Committee on 
Un-American Activities held public hearings in Minneapolis, Minn., 
relating to the Minnesota-Dakotas District of the Communist Party 
of the United States, its organization and objectives, and the strategic 
and tactical methods designed to aid in accomplishing those objec- 
tives; organizations created and controlled by the Communist 
Party to advance its policies; propaganda activities conducted in sup- 
port thereof; and conspiratorial activities in association with foreign 
Communist governments. 

The subcommittee was also authorized to inquire into the question 
of affiliation with Communist organizations — ^as distinguished from 
technical or formal membership in them. 

Ruth ANN Withrow 

Ruthann Withrow, an emploj-ee of the city of Minneapolis who had 
been a member of the Communist Party from May 1. 1958, until 
March of 1961, acting in cooperation with the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation, testified before the subcommittee on June 24. 

Miss Withrow, assumed to be a potential recruit liy the party, was 
carefully eased into its ranks through the soft-sell of social affairs 


such as picnics and bazaars sponsored by the Freedom of the Press 
Committee. She described the Press Committee as a Communist 
front which soUcited funds and subscriptions and otherwise promoted 
the Communist newspaper, The Worker. When she first joined the 
Press Committee it was composed of both Communists and non-Com- 
munists, but eventually the latter dropped away. New ones were not 
encouraged to take their place, and the organization became com- 
pletely Communist. 

Prior to her admission into the party, Miss Withrow had been care- 
fully watched. Her work for the Press Committee was a major factor 
in her acceptance. Prospective members were also screened by means 
of the "Marxist study group" technique where their ideas were drawn 
out, analyzed, and revised by the discussion leader who was, of course, 
a party member. After the prospect became a party member, his 
education was continued within the party club to which he was as- 
signed. The witness was accepted as a member of the Communist 
Party m May 1958. 

Miss Withrow was soon elected chairman of her unit, the North Side 
Club. Meetings were held twice a month; one for the purpose of 
general and theoretical study, the other on the practical role the club 
would play in local affairs. Security precautions included the fol- 
lowing techniques: notice of meetings by personal contact only or, 
if the telephone was required by last-minute changes, the meeting was 
referred to verbally as a social "for coffee"; automobiles were required 
to be parked a block or more from the house where meetings were 
held; when meetings ended, members left in ones and twos. 

In addition to Miss Withrow's North Side Club, five other clubs 
were active, to her knowledge, in the Minneapolis-St. Paul area: 
Industrial 1 and 2, Women's Branch, South Side, and Lenin Branch, 

In the late spring of 1960, the party decided to penetrate the Demo- 
cratic-Farmer-Labor (DFL) clubs, legitimate units of the Democratic 
Party. Miss Withrow, who had been in the DFL's Fifth Ward Club 
prior to her admission in the party, testified that the Communists 
were instructed not to reveal on their DFL application form, as was 
required, the fact that they were members of the Communist Party. 

Their main objective was to influence enough people within that 
organization so that, without it being known, the DFL would support 
the policies and programs the Communist Party wanted to promote. 
These programs and policies would then have the backing of a re- 
spectable organization. Happily, she concluded, they had little 

The local Parent Teachers Association was also a target of infiltra- 
tion by the party. Miss Withrow testified that — 

one party member, a woman, who was a member of a local 
PTA, reported * * * that she had been asked to run for an 
office in the PTA * * *. She was given definite orders at 
that time that she was not to run for an office herself. She 
was in some quarters known as being a member of the 
•Communist Party and they did not want that much known 
of the leadership. What she was told to do was to pick out 
some other woman in the PTA that she felt that she could 
most easily influence * * * get this woman elected, and 
then * * * support certain issues without it ever being 
known that the Communist Party was behind them. 

26 un-a:merican activities annual report 

These instructions wore given to a Mrs. Betty Smith, a member of 
Miss Withrow's club, by Samuel K. Davis, State secretarj^ of the 
Communist Party. The witness did not have direct knowledge of the 
outcome of this party venture. 

Regarding "peace" and pacifist acti\'ities, Miss Withrow stated 
that "every party member in the city was ordered, if at all possible, 
to take part in any peace demonstration that occurred * * *." Party 
members were "definitely supposed to take part" in the "peace walks" 
in Minneapolis and St. Paul. If they did not they had to explain 
why at the next meeting of their club. The purpose, of course, the 
witness explained, was to gain support within these organizations for 
the policies the Communist Party wanted promoted. 

Significant information was given by this witness relating to the 
all-out effort of the party to establish a national youth organiza- 
tion in 1960. The sequence of events in Minneapolis leading to its 
establishment began in May 1960 at a meeting attended by Gus Hall, 
national secretary of the Communist Party, and Sam Davis, then 
secretary for the Minnesota-Dakotas District of the party. The 
purpose of the meeting was to generate support and funds for the 
new youth group and to get advance subscriptions for the forthcoming 
publication, New Horizons for Youth, which would be used as a "door 
opener to organizing youth activity." 

Miss Withrow accepted the task of organizing the activity in her 
area. Phil Bart, national organizational secretary of the CPUSA, 
provided her with materials for promoting New Horizons for Yoitfk. 
In addition, Danny Rubin, director of all youth activities for the 
CPUSA, came to ^linnesota to contribute Ids experience to Davis' 
efforts in the State and to Miss Withrow's locally in Mimunipolis. 
Other key cities across the Nation were also on Rubin's itinerary in his 
effort to promote a party-controlled national j^outh conference in 
Chicago on December 30, 1960, at which the new Communist youth 
group would be established. 

J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the FBI, had issued a press release a 
week prior to the organizational conference which included the follow- 
ing statement on the nature of the new group : 

Its pm'pose is to formulate plans for a new national youth or- 
ganization — one whose programs and activities will be 
clandestinely directed by party members. 

On December 29, 1960, one day before the conference, Danny Rubin 
issued, in reply, a press release which stated, in part: 

We refuse to allow Mr. Hoover and people with such 
paranoia to inject communism as an issue into our con- 
fer(>nce. We welcome participation by anyone who agrees 
with the purpose for which the conference is called without 
regard to their political label. 

FBI operative Withrow testified, however, that Riibhi's clahu was 
false. She said tliat attendance at the confen^nce was "by invitation 
only" and, in addition, that there were "young men wlio W(>re keeping 
everybody out except those that could })rov(> that they were delegates." 
Party control was evident on the floor itself, sh(> said, "through two of 
the men who were leaders at this conference, who I knew to be party 
members." Overall control of the Chicago conference was effected 


by Danny Rubin and Danny Qiioen. Miss Withrow stated that "if 
somebody would bring up an issue you could see them check it out with 
Mr. Rubin first. And then quite often if some controversy developed, 
they would look at him to settle it." 

The national youth group formed at Chicago was given the name 
"Progressive Youth Organizing Committee." Mrs. Alva Buxenbaum, 
of Philadelphia, was elected chairman; Mr. Marvin Marlamm, of New 
York, executive secretary and organizer. 

(Markman had been identified as a member of the Communist Party 
before this committee on February 2, 1960; he appeared as a witness 
on March 2, 1960, and invoked his constitutional privileges in response 
to questions regarding membership in the party. Mrs. Buxenbaum 
had aided the Communist cause through participation in various 
functions, including the first annual convention of Advance, an 
organization against which the Attorney General of the United States 
had initiated proceedings as a Communist front.) 

Miss Withrow had an opportunity to see Communist "democracy" 
in action during her work with a committee charged with drafting a 
"Youth Bill of Rights" at the Chicago conference. In the beginning, 
she said, there was "quite a lively discussion" but no action was taken 
because the drafting committee's leaders informed the group that a 
proposed bill was coming from "the people on the East Coast" (Com.- 
munist Party national headquarters). When this draft arrived, it 
was read, voted on, brought on the floor, and accepted. 

When Miss Withrow returned to ^Minneapolis after the conference, 
she met with the State party leaders to report on the youth meeting. 
After that, she was "to start organizing a definite youth group, taking 
advantage, if possible, of the paper Neio Horizons as a focal point, 
but to start organizing young people into an organized group, 
which * * * when it was i*unning, would then affiliate itself with the 
Progressive Youth Organizing Committee." 

The name of the new local group was "Youth for Political Action," 
she said, and "after it w^as formed and iiinning, the officere * * * were 
to affiliate themselves with the Progressive Youth Organizing 

Aiiss Withrow left the Communist Party in March 1961. She had 
decided to leave the organization at least 3 or 4 months prior to her 
resignation because her party assignment to youth activities and the 
party's exploitation of young people had made her "a little sick." 
She explained that during the Chicago conference the delegates had 
been allowed to take notes — a practice usually forbidden. But she 
had made written references during the course of the conference to 
the fact that Rubin and Queen — and through them, the party — com- 
pletely controlled the proceedings of the meetings. Subsequently, 
her notes were discovered and she was compelled to give a fidl explana- 
tion at several meetings, justifying her actions "from the party point 
of view." She also had been directed to write a Marxist analysis of 
what she had done wrong. She refused. FolloA\dng this episode she 

Norman John Boehnke 

Norman John Boehnke was a witness on June 24. Born in Belling- 
ham, Minn., he had been employed as crew dispatcher by the Great 
Northern RaUroad since 1951. His introduction to communism came 


about in 1958 when he accepted inxntations to attend meetings of such 
Communist-front organizations as the Minnesota Committee for 
Protection of Foreign Bom. He participated with the knowledge 
and concurrence of the FBI. 

When asked to describe the objectives of the Minnesota Committee 
for Protection of Foreign Born, Boehnke replied: 

Well, its stated objective is as the name indicates, it is for 
the protection of the foreign born. Now, I attended that 
meeting that night in which Louise Pettibone Smith was the 
principal speaker. However, I never heard her make any 
reference to what protection they had given to any foreign 
borns, except those who were members of the Communist 
Partv. * * * 

The witness declared that the Minnesota Committee for Protection 
of Foreign Born was a branch of the American Committee for Pro- 
tection of Foreign Bom and that it served as a "screening device" of 
persons of foreign extraction who might become potential candidates 
for recruitment into the party. 

As had been the case with Miss Withrow, Boehnke was assigned to a 
Marxist study group for the purpose of indoctrination and further 
screening. He spent over a year in such preparatory "study." 

The witness was accepted into the party conditionally in 1960 by 
Sam Davis, party leader in the district, pending further "investiga- 
tion" to assure his loyalty "to the cause." Several months later 
Boehnke was assigned to and attended his first club meeting at 
Ruthann Withrow's North Side Club, where he was formally admit- 
ted hito party membership. His supposed ideological purity, the 
payment of an initiation fee of 50 cents, familiarity with the party 
oath, and a subscription to The Worker launched Norman Boehnke 
into his twin roles of Communist and undercover operative for the 

In discussing party organization, Boehnke pointed out that all 
activities of the Alinnesota-Dakotas District of the party were directed 
from the Twin Cities. Boehnke said that it was the fimction of the 
district committee to organize clubs in upstate Minnesota and both 
Dakotas. The district secretary's job was to oversee the activities 
of the clubs, to promote the party's publication. The Worker, and in 
general to see that the respective branches were caiTying out their 
functions and the dh'ectives of the party. 

Beneath the party's district structure were the two city committees 
of St. Paul and Minneapolis. Their membership was composed of the 
chairmen of the clubs in the respective cities. At the city committee 
meetings, it was the duty of the club chairmen to report on the activi- 
ties of their clubs, whether they were meeting twice a month as re- 
quired, and whether dues and other obligations were being met. 
These city committees provided the continuity and control between 
the State apparatus and the local clubs as "sort of an overseer," 
Boehnke said. 

While the party had encountered growing opposition in recent 
years, it attempted to mininiize the ill effects of it by means of pep 
talks to tlie membership and by taking all the credit for orgnnizing a 
host of actiNaties. It "chalks up a long list of successes," including 
demonstrations for "peace," demonstrations to ban nuclear testing, sit- 


ills, freedom rides, and demonstrations to defeat the ban on Com- 
munist speakers on college and university campuses, he said. 

In the area of political activity, the witness stated that the party — 

always selected candidates who promise to be "soft on com- 
munism," who promise to * * * stand up for laws, amend- 
ments, legislation that will give the Communist Party a little 
more elbowroom * * * if a candidate makes a statement 
that he ^vill vote to abolish * * * the House Committee on 
Un-American Activities, they automatically * * * support 
that candidate. 

Party propaganda was carefully tailored to the party's targets. For 
example, Boehnke pointed out that in respect to housewives, mothers, 
and women's groups, peace was the primary appeal. The basic pur- 
pose of the part3^'s peace tactic was the supporting role it played in 
behalf of Sovdet military policy. The witness elaborated: 

The Communist Party of the United States, as well as every 
Communist Party in the world, is fully aware that * * * the 
balance of military power is in favor of the United States. If 
it were to come to war tomorrow * * * the Communist 
powers would be defeated. Their immediate need is to stall 
the war so that there wiU be "peace" * * * but if * * * we 
were weaker than the Soviet Union, then * * * they would 
not hesitate to precipitate a war. 

Boehnke's testmiony substantiated that of Miss Withrow's on a 
number of counts, including the security measures taken as a result of 
the Supreme Court's decision of June 5, 1961, which forced the party 
to go deeper underground. He also stressed the effort expended by 
the party in the recruitment of young Americans which "takes years of 
preparation." The witness declared that the Communist Party has 
had "tremendous success" in cultivating the young. 

On the subject of the success of known Communists in obtaining 
speaking engagements before college groups, the witness said that 
while he had heard high-ranking officials of the party speak on camp- 
uses in the Twin City area, "not once have I been able to hear them 
say, or tell us, what communism actually is in practice." He 
elaborated : 

They have never told us why Khi'ushchev had to build up 
the "Wall of Shame" in Berlin, why they don't have free elec- 
tions behind the Iron Curtain, why he had to send in the Red 
Army to butcher the people of Hungary. All I have heard 
these Communists do was use their freedom to tear down 
America * * * I can see absolutely nothing good or worth- 
while, letting a Communist speak on our campuses. 

Boehnke testified that he was assigned a variety of tasks as a Com- 
munist. As a guard at a party picnic, an event ironically billed as a 
"freedom of the press" outing, he was instructed to bar all non-Com- 
munists — which, of coiu"se, included newspaper reporters. Boehnke 
said that Rose Tillotson Renaud, secretary of the Alinnesota-Dakotas 
District of the Communist Party, and Ralph Taylor, its chairman, 
were also the secretary and chairman, respectively, of the Freedom of 
the Press Conunittee. 


In addition, the witness said that even before he was officially a party 
member, the Communists kept him busy. He was assigned various 
research activities which included the submission of technical intel- 
ligence reports on the railroad which employed him. At other times 
he was required to walk the streets distributing party literature. 

Failure to submit to party discipline and duties subjected the offend- 
ing member either to the embarrassment of self-criticism or outright 
expulsion, he said. Even those with rank and seniority were not 
exempt. The former chairman of Boehnke's district, Clarence Sharp, 
was purged for his refusal to admit his "guilt and apologize for his mis- 
take" in not properly organizing a meeting which featured as a speaker 
Frank Wilkinson, executive director of the National Committee To 
Abolish the Un-American Acti^dties Committee. Sam Davis, general 
secretary of the district, blamed the meeting's failure on Sharp, who 
then had to appear before "what can be described as a Communist 
court," said Boehnke. The final result was that Sharp had the option 
of confession or expulsion. Boehnke said that when Sharp left the 
"court," the purged Communist remarked: 

Thank God I'm living in America. If this was Soviet 
America or if I were living in Soviet Russia, I would now 
be facing the firing squads; however, it is now the American 
laws that are protecting me. 

Mr. Boehnke's testimony provided additional evidence that the 
^Minnesota Committee To Defend the Bill of Rights operated as a 
"front" for the Communist Party, U.S.A. A number of individuals 
active in the Minnesota committee, including the secretary, Henry 
Harrison Mayvilie, were identified as party members by the witness. 
Although the Minnesota committee was, in fact, under the direction 
and control of the Communist Party, Boehnke testified, it tried to 
conceal its connection with the party in order to "attract people who 
have a natural instinct to uphold the fii-st and fifth amendments of the 

Mr. Mayvilie had been among the witnesses interrogated b}^ this 
committee In October 1961 in connection with an investigation of the 
National Assembly for Democratic Rights, which was a Commmiist 
agitation project directed against various securit}^ laws. The Min- 
nesota committee was one of the acknowledged "supportiiig organiza- 
tions" of the Assembly. Mr. Mayvilie invoked the fifth amendment 
in response to questions relating to the ^Minnesota conuuittee, the 
National Assembly, and his own relationship with the Communist 

Mr. Boehnke's final comments, which laid bare the myth represented 
by the party that it was primarily just another "political party," 
were about his industrial intelligence-collection role during his period 
of "indoctrination." Counsel asked the witness about the reports he 
had prepared, "the subject matter of which would reveal useful infor- 
mation relative to * * * possibly defense facilities * * *." Con- 
cerning this intelligence assignment the witness reaffirmed tliat on a 
number of occasions he was asked to provide the party with informa- 
tion on the railroad. He wrote a number of reports, he said, which 
were turned over to Sam Davis, who in turn forwarded them to 


At this point, Boehnke concluded bis initial appearance but was 
recalled on tbe last day of hearings, at which time be testified as 
follows : 

He was introduced at a party raeetino; to a John Howard Tillotson, 
a student at the University of ^linnesota, by Betty Smith, Boehnke's 
club chairman and district executive committee member. Tillot- 
son, however, declined to participate that evening at another party 
meeting w4ien invited because it would be "too obvious that he had 
association with the Communist Party," said Boehnke. Betty 
Smith, he continued, further characterized Tillotson to him as a "hard 
worker for the cause" and suggested Boehnke "work with" Tillotson, 
who "was the channel * * * that the Communist Party used to 
extend its influence and activities at the University of Minnesota." 

At another party meeting called to discuss the selection of delegates 
to the Soviet-sponsored Helsinki youth festival in 1962, John Tillot- 
son's name, as well as that of John Forichette, was proposed as that 
of a prospective delegate. Forichette, a member of Boehnke's club, 
declined the trip since he was a city employee of Minneapolis, but 
Tillotson attended the youth festival, Boehnke said. 

The witness testified that in the fall of 1962 Tillotson, at the home 
of Rose Tillotson Renaud, his gra.ndmother, discussed a forthcoming 
article which the youth was preparing for publication in New Horizons, 
the official youth organ of the party. 

Concluding, Boehnke summarized his party experience as follows: 

It is generally believed by the public that the Communist 
Party of the United States is just another political party. 
How ever, my experience in the party has given me mounting 
evidence that it is a part}'^ domiinated by the Soviet Union. 

He cited as an example the fact that he had edited for Mr. and 
Mrs. Sam Davis moving picture films which they had taken while 
travehng in the U.S.S.R. in 1961. He said they had gone to the 
Soviet Union not simply for the visit but to attend the Lenin Institute. 

Ruth Lois Gordienko 

Mrs. Ruth Lois Gordienko, a witness on June 25, was a resident of 
north Minneapolis and had been a dedicated member of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States during 1948 and 1949 and of the 
Communist Party of Canada in 1950. Mrs. Gordienko broke with 
the party over the issue of the Korean war. Following her return 
to the United States in 1950, she ceased all her party activities, but 
did not give notice or resign from the party In 1952 she 
agreed to act as an undercover contact for the FBI on certain Com- 
munist-front activities. 

Mrs. Gordienko had become a Communist through her former hus- 
band, George Gordienko, a professional wi'estler and Canadian 
Communist who came to the United States on a work visa and later 
became a premedical student at the University of Minnesota. 

Part of the witness' indoctrination included attendance wnth her 
husband at the Marxist Sociahst Club on the campus of the University 
of Minnesota. The purpose of this "Communist-front organization," 
according to Mrs. Gordienko, was to interest "young people into 
looking into communism, hoping to eventually recruit them." The 

53-323—65 4 


Marxist study club was under the direction of one Kenneth Tilsen, a 
University of Minnesota law student "known on campus as a Com- 
munist Party spokesman," whom she knew in fact to be a party mem- 
ber. Operating behind a reformist facade in discussions on the 
Negro question, agronomy theories, etc., the Marxist campus club 
never advertised itself as Communist. 

Following one year's attendance at these club meetings, Mrs. Gor- 
dienko, though not a student at the imiversity, enrolled in the Commu- 
nist Party through Kenneth Tilsen and was assigned to its university 
women's club, which was directed by Tilsen's wife, Rachel. The club, 
made up of the wives of University of Minnesota students, was one of 
four party clubs on the campus. In addition to her duty to become 
"fully knowledgeable" about Marxist-Leninist theories, the witness 
had to distribute party literature throughout the student housing 
area. She testified that one of the four cells on campus was a secret 
"professional cell," consisting of professors and assistant professors 
who were "highly protected" from exposure. Mrs. Gordienko became 
aware of the existence of this club in 1948 through Rose Tillotson 
Renaud, who managed the party's bookstore and who was later the 
party's principal executive officer for the Minnesota-Dakotas District. 

In the area of party youth activities, Mrs. Gordienko's testimony 
corroborated that of Miss Ruthann Withrow. Mrs. Gordienko stated 
that the party's youth had their own separate cells but, following the 
establishment of the Labor Youth League, younger Communists "were 
assimilated into * * * the adult cell groups, and because of this 
switching I was assigned to the North Side cell of the Communist 

The witness was assigned tasks in the North Side Club as follows: 
to help organize and recruit members for the Labor Youth League 
and to "infiltrate into the National Association for the Advancement 
of Colored People," which "the Communist Party of Minneapolis 
wanted to take over." However, not enough party members attended 
the NAACP election to effect then- plan to "pack the meeting" and 
therefore did not take over the leadership, she said. Those persons 
responsible for this failure where later chastised by the party leader- 

Mrs. Gordienko's husband, George, left the University of Minne- 
sota, found emplo3Tnent in a flour mill, and was reassigned to a trade 
union cell of the Communist Party. He subsequently learned that 
the U.S. Immigration Service was going to deport him to Canada, 
his native land, as an undesirable alien. Against the party's wishes, 
he decided not to fight the pending Government action and to return 
to Canada voluntarily before proceedings were instituted against him. 
The party, therefore, transferred him and his wafe to the Commu- 
nist Party of Canada with a letter Avritten by Carl Ross, the district 
secretary, to another Mr. Ross, a Canadian party functionary. 
When the Gordienkos moved to the Province of Manitoba in late 
1949, they were "immediately accepted into the Communist Party in 
Canada automatically and were assigned to a cell group in Winnipeg." 

Shortly thereafter, they were reassigned to the role of "sleepers," 
that is, they were to disassociate themselves from "any members of the 
party, even on a personal level" and then "assimilate \vithin society, 
making the complete break with the party," she recalled. The purpose 
of this maneuver, she said, was to provide the party with "the second- 


string leadership of the Province of Manitoba, which would take over 
immediately the Communist Party apparatus on an underground 
basis if the Canadian Government were to remove * * * these leaders 
from their activity as the directors." In such an eventuality, she re- 
marked, her husband was to assume the function of educational di- 
rector, while she would administer the party's financial reports. 

The witness remained in Canada during the year 1950, returning 
to the United States in early 1951 as a result ol her disenchantment 
with the party line on the Korean war which was, in effect, that "the 
Americans had started a war of aggression upon other peoples" and 
that "we were trying to subjugate the Korean people." Mrs. Gordi- 
enko held that the "American Government had gone * * * to assist 
the Koreans in holding onto the freedoms that they had." However, 
when she expressed these beliefs, Mr. Gordienko criticized her by 
stating, "You are nothing but a damn capitalist." 

The witness returned to Minneapolis following this episode. She 
informed the committee that while this incident precipitated her 
withdrawal from party affairs, two other prior factors had contrib- 
uted to her defection: 

First of all, the one reservation I had, which I did not voice, 
was the fact that I came from a good Christian family. Once 
I got into the Communist Party I fully realized I could not 
hold Christian ideals upon which our Nation has been 
founded * * * which is the strength of our Nation and be- 
come a good Commimist. You can't do both. * * * 

The second reservation * * * that I had was very startling 
to me. When I was in discussion with Commimists * * * 
when they discussed how or what would take place in our city 
when the revolution came * * * I was told that we would 
blow up the bridges in Minneapolis, we would barricade the 
streets, the mass communication system would be taken over 
by the Communist Party. * * * For this type of politics my 
stomach was weak. 

During 1951, Mrs, Gordienko was inactive in the Communist move- 
ment. Subsequently, however, following a visit to the local offices 
of the FBI, she began working as a Federal operative in three party 
fronts: the American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born, 
the Freedom of the Press Committee, and the Minneapolis Chapter of 
the American Peace Crusade. She was a board member of the latter 
gTOup. Ironically, this group was a party front which generated 
protests against America's role in the Korean war — the policy which 
had previously led to Mrs. Gordienko's break with communism. 

Claude McDonald 

The subcommittee on June 25 interrogated Claude McDonald, 
identified as a member of the Communist Party by both Miss Wi throw 
and Mr. Boehnke, who knew hiin as such during their active years 
in the organization. He refused to discuss party membership and, 
with the exception of stating his name ana address, invoked the self- 
incrimination clause of the fifth amendment and also other amend- 
ments in refusing to answer any questions asked by committee counsel. 

McDonald refused to refute or affirm the statements made under 
oath by the two previous witnesses, namely, that he was a member of 


the district executive committee and a high official in the party's tri- 
State territory. Staff investigation indicated that he had also been 
a party member in 1943 while working as the financial secretary of 
Local 1152, United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of 
America. "When asked about this, the witness refused to answer for 
the same reasons. 

The witness continued to plead the fifth and other amendments 
rather than deny conmiittee information to the effect that he spon- 
sored and attended a meeting of the American Peace Crusade in 
Washington, D.C., on March 15, 1951. The APC, committee counsel 
noted, was cited as a Communist front in a 1957 SACB report. It 
had been organized during February 1951 in the New York City 
offices of the national Conmiu.nist Party and had purportedly held 
its March meeting for the purpose of launching a nationwide organi- 
zation to wliich would be affiliated various local groups throughout 
the country. McDonald declined to admit subsequent participation 
in the formation of the Minneapolis Council for Peace — later changed 
to the Minneapolis Chapter of the APC, a local unit classified as an 
"integral part" of the parent body by the same SACB report. 

When asked whether he had provided funds for the party or the 
use of his home for the concealment of one Martin Mackie, a member 
of the party's undergi'ound apparatus during the 1950's, the witness 
again invoked the fifth and other amendments in his refusal to answer. 

Miss Withrow bad told the SACB on March 17, 1964, that a party 
announcement in early 1961 had designated a four-man committee, 
including McDonald, to reactivate the party's city committee in Min- 
neapolis. The witness, who belonged to the same Communist club as 
Miss Withrow, invoked the fifth and other amendments when asked 
if this were true. 

Similarly, the witness refused to confix m or deny committee evi- 
dence that his credentials as a delegate to the Democratic-Farmer- 
Labor organization had been challenged. He invoked constitutional 
protection when asked if he had circulated a document entitled "There 
Is Nothing To Fear But Fear Itself" in which he castigated those who 
informed the DFL credentials committee of an attempt by the Com- 
munist Part}' to infiltrate the convention with Comnmnist delegates. 

Oscar Martin Mackie 

Oscar Martin Mackie, also questioned by the subcommittee on 
June 25, was employed by Gopher Bumper Exchange, Inc., and 
the previous day had been identified under oath by Mr. Boehnke as 
a member of the Communist Party in the latter's own cell — the North 
Side Club. 

Mackie refused to answer questions concerning membership in the 
party, invoking the fifth, sixth, and first amendments to the con- 

When confronted with a statement contained in the Daily Worker 
of November 24, 1942, naming Mackie as State secretary of the Com- 
munist Party in Minnesota, the witness declined to say whetlier this 
was true, as well as whether he was the j^arty's candidate for the of- 
fices of Governor of Minnesota in 1940 or for mavor of Duluth in 

Mackie had also been listed as an alternate member of the National 
Committee of the Connnunist Political Association in 1945, accord- 


ing to this committee's informution, and in 1946 was appointed 
chnirman of the Minnesota Communist Party. 

When confronted with his 1959 application for membership in the 
United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, on which he had 
written "no" to the questions; 1) "Are you a Communist?" and 2) 
"Are you in sympathy with the Communist philosophy?" Mackie de- 
cHned to state whether his wi-itten replies were true at that time or 
whether, if true, his answer did in fact contradict committee infor- 
mation to the contrary — as well as the testimony of sworn witnesses. 

Kenneth E. Tilsen 

Kenneth E. Tilsen, another witness on June 25, was born in New 
Leipzig, N. Dak., had been a resident of St. Paul, Minn., since 
1933, and a practicing attorney in the city since his graduation from 
the University of Minnesota Law School in 1950. Tilsen had been 
identified by Mrs. Gordienko as a member of the Communist Party 
and its leading spokesman on the University of Minnesota campus. 

He read a prepared opening statement to the effect that the com- 
mittee had no legislative pm-pose in soliciting information about his 
background prior to September 23, 1950 — the date of passage of the 
Internal Seciu-ity Act. Chairman Willis, after restating the com- 
mittee resolution, pointed out that Tilsen 's objection lacked validity 
because the resolution authorizing the Minneapolis hearings had other 
legislative purposes in addition to that of monitoring the Internal 
Security Act. 

The \ntness was then asked to confirm or deny the substance of Mrs. 
Gordienko's statement, which he had heard the day before, that 
she knew him to be a leading party member on the University of 
Minnesota campus in 1948 and that he had enrolled her in the party. 

Tilsen testified that he was not a member of the Communist Party — 
and had not been one during the period which, according to his claim, 
the committee had authority to interrogate him — that is, since 
September 23, 1950. Without invoking the self-incrimination clause 
of the fifth amendment, he refused to respond to questions pertaining 
to his activities in 1948 and 1949 on the basis of a 10-point memoran- 
dum offered, but not accepted by the chairman, as grounds for refusal 
to answer. 

When asked whether, since his 1950 demarcation date, he had had 
any affiliation or discussion with any persons known to him to be, or 
to have been, members of the Communist Party, the witness said he 
had not. He refused to answer when questioned about the activities 
of Rose Tillotson Renaud on the University of Minnesota campus, 
particularly her efforts on behalf of a secret professional cell of 

Rose Tillotson Renaud 

Rose Renaud, identified under oath by Norman Boehnke as district 
secretarj^, the highest executive position of the Communist Party in 
the Minnesota-Dakotas District, refused on the grounds of the first, 
fifth, and sixth constitutional amendments to acknowledge this 
identification. She employed the same objections in refusing to 
testify regarding any knowledge of various matters about which 
testimony had been received, including her succession to Sam Davis' 


position as the district's top official, the secret professional cell at 
the University of Minnesota, Ralph W. Taj^or as the party's district 
chahman, the current membership of the party's district, and the 
channel for partv directives and instructions from Gus Hall in New- 
York City. 

Fiuall}', citing the same reasons, she refused to admit whether 
she was the party's candidate for ma3^or of St. Paul in 1940 or to 
corroborate Miss Withi'ow's statement concerning the party's 
elaborate recruiting activities in the youth field. 

James A. Brown 

James A. Brown (also known as Jack Brown) declined to answer 
the committee's questions on the grounds of the fifth and other 
amendments, except to disclose his name, address, and bhth date. 
He refused to affirm or deny Boehnke's testimony that he had been 
a member of the cit}" committee in Minneapolis, that Ralph Taylor 
was its secretary, or that he himself was chairman of the South Side 
Club of the party. 

He also cited the fifth and other amendments in refusing to answer 
when asked if he had been active in party trade union activity 
and whether he had attended the party's 1960 farm conference in 
Minneapolis at which Gus Hall had expounded the party's line on 
agricultural issues. 

Carl Ross 

Carl Ross, identified by Mrs. Gordienko as the party's intermediarj'^ 
who facilitated the transferral of the Gordienkos from the American 
to the Canadian Communist Party, declined on fifth and other amend- 
ment grounds to answer questions about this and other information 
supplied by her concerning his activities. Ross gave his name and 
address, but declined for the same reasons to state whether, as stated 
in published reports, he had been a national official of the Communist 
Party for almost 30 years. 

He declined to answer questions, on the same grounds, about his 
activities in the party following Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalin 
at the 20th Soviet Party Congress in February 1956, and to state 
whether he had been appointed to the "collective leadership" and the 
National Executive Committee of the CPUSA in 1957. The witness 
also refused to confij-m his publicized break wdth the party in 1958 or 
to state whether he was still a party member. 

Clarence H, Sharp 

Another witness, Clarence H. Sharp, had boon identified by Mr. 
Boelmke as a former chairman of the party's Miniu^sota-Dakotas 
District. Boehnkc testified that Sharp had been removed from office 
and expelled from the party for failure to carry out a directive con- 
cerning arrangements for Frank Wilkinson's speaking tour. Sharp 
employed the fifth and other amendments in his failure to respond to 
this inquiry. He again took refuge under the fifth and other amend- 
ments when jisked by the chairman whether he was under party 
"pressure" to remaiti mute, even tliough he apparently had not been a 
party member since 1963. The witness was informed that considera- 


tion would be given to granting him immunity from prosecution should 
he agree to testify at a later date, thus removing any fear he might have 
of self-incrimination. 

John Edward Forichette 

On June 26, the subcommittee interrogated John Forichette, a city 
engineer's assistant, who was employed by the city of Minneapolis 
and identified as an active member of the Communist Party by Miss 
Withrow and Mr. Boehnke. The witness, invoking the fifth and other 
amendments, declined to admit party membership or whether he had 
used two different middle names (that is, "William and Edward) when 
applying on two different occasions (7 years apart) for employment 
with the city of Minneapolis. 

Forichette, on the same grounds, refused to answer when asked 
whether he had truthfully vvTitten "No" on his 1960 and 1961 apphca- 
tions for city employment to the question: "Are you a member of any 
political party or organization which advocates the overthrow of our 
constitutional form of government in the United States?" 

Counsel brought out that as an assistant to the city engineer, 
Forichette had access to oflficial plans concerning highways, bridges, 
water and light facilities in Minneapolis. The witness refused to 
disclose whether he had transmitted any technical intelligence acquired 
on his job to the Communist Party. 

He also invoked the same constitutional privileges when asked the 
following questions based on the testimony of Miss Withrow and Mr. 
Boehnke: whether in 1959 he was treasurer of the Miscellaneous 
Branch of the party in Minneapolis ; his residence was used for meet- 
ings of the North Side Club; he was elected club secretary of The 
Worker in 1961 ; he helped activate Marxist youth groups in the Twin 
City area and was the appointed delegate, along with Miss Withrow, 
to the party's Chicago youth conference in late 1960. 

John Howard Tillotson 

John Howard Tillotson, subject of Miss Withrow's and Mr. 
Boehnke's testimony, refused on the basis of the fifth and other 
amendments to verify whether he had attended functions of the 
Freedom of the Press Committee and the Youth for Political Action ; 
acted as a Communist conduit for activities on the University of 
Minnesota campus; attended the 1962 Helsinki youth festival — there 
to support Communist anti-American propaganda objectives; prepared 
articles for a party publication; shunned closed-door party meetings, 
thereby avoiding the technicahty of party membership; and was a 
member of the Progressive Youth Organizing Committee, as stated 
in the Minnesota Daily. 

Tillotson further dechned to discuss committee information that he 
had attended PYOC meetings in New York in June 1962 and again 
in 1963. Nor would the witness discuss on the grounds of the fifth and 
other amendments whether, following President Kennedy's announce- 
ment of the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962, he had distributed 
leaflets on the University of Minnesota campus on October 24 in sup- 
port of the Cuban Communist regime or engaged in any local "peace" 
programs in Minneapolis. 

38 un-american activities annual report 

Hanley Leon Hemmingson 

Hanley Leon Hemmingson of Warroad, Minn., a former resident of 
Minneapolis, employed the fifth and other amendments in his refusal 
to answer when asked if he was a member of the North Side Club of 
the party, as Boehnke had testified. The witness also refused for the 
above reasons to say whether he was a member of Local 7, Brother- 
hood of Carpenters and Joiners, and had engaged hi union activities 
to fm'ther the party's program. 

Hemniingson was queried by counsel concerning a letter to the editor 
of a Minneapolis newspaper of April 5, 1964, which demanded the 
withdrawal of U.S. forces from Vietnam and which was signed by a 
Hanley Hemmingson. He refused to discuss the authorship of the 
letter or whether, if he was in fact the author, the contents of the 
letter were Communist motivated. Hemmingson also invoked the 
fifth and other amendments in refusing to answer counsel's question 
about his current party membership. 

Hilda Tania Hemmingson 

Witness Hilda Tania Hemmingson gave her name and birth date, 
but refused to answer as to her place of birth, on the basis of the fifth 
and other amendments. When asked if her place of birth was Kishi- 
nev, RuTuania, as committee information indicated, she again invoked 
constitutional aniendments in her refusal to answer. 

She refused for the sam.e reasons to confirm or deny Boehnke's testi- 
mony that she was an active member of the Minnesota Committee for 
Protection of Foreign Born, or to state whether she was aware that 
its purpose was to propagandize for the repeal of the Immigi'ation 
and Nationality Act, especially those provisions which prevented Com- 
numists entry into, or facilitated their deportation from, the United 

Mrs. Hemmingson declined to confirm or deny Mr. Boehnke's testi- 
mony that she had regularly attended closed meetings of the Commu- 
nist Party, many of which were held in her Minneapolis residence; 
was a member of the Freedom of the Press Committee; and was active 
in the Minnesota Committee To Defend the Bill of Rights, a group 
working for the repeal of security legislation. 

Problems Concerning Definition of Party Membership 

The committee has received a great deal of testimony over the years 
regarding various techniques adopted by the Communist Party to 
protect its members from detection. Many of the techniques repre- 
sented an effort to frustrate the enforcement of specific Communist- 
control laws enacted by the Congress. The abandonment of member- 
sliip hsts and membership cards for individual Connnunists in the 
late 1940's was only a part of this efiort. \n the same period, th.e 
party had sought to avoid compliance with the non-Conununist 
affi(hivit provisions of the 'I'aft-Hartley Act by the device of "technical 
resignations" from the party. A Conuiumist union official, for 
example, woidd turn in a resignation to the party, yet for all practical 
purposes he would continue to (h» the party's work. Many other 
cases of partial disassociation from the party have been described by 


witnesses before the coinnuttee. In some of the cases, security laws 
were not an issue. 

Testimony by Norman Boehnke at the committee hearings in 
Minneapohs produced another example of the way individuals have 
continued to operate within the party without "technically" being 
members of the part}'^. 

Hilda Tania Hemmingson regularly attended closed meetings of the 
Communist Party, many of which were held in her Minneapolis home, 
according to Mr. Boehnke. She was also active in the Communist 
fronts, the Minnesota Committee for Protection of Foreign Born and 
the Alinnesota Committee To Defend the Bill of Rights, Boehnke 
said. The witness stated, however, that Mrs. Hemmingson "on a 
number of occasions" told him that she did not "join" the Communist 
Part}^ because, if she did, she would become subject to deportation. 
Mrs. Hemmingson is a native of Rumania and a naturalized citizen 
of the United States. It has been previously noted that she invoked 
her constitutional privileges against self-incrimination when the 
committee questioned her on these matters at the Minneapolis 

The committee is aware that existing internal security laws take a 
variety of approaches to the subject of membership in the Com- 
munist Part}^ and that in some instances a status of "affiliation" is 
recognized as well as formal "membership." The committee is con- 
tinuing to study ways in which present laws might be further amended 
to cope with the problem of technical disassociations from the party 


On May 5, 1964, a subcommittee of the House Committee on 
Un-American Activities, chaired by the Honorable WiUiam M. Tuck 
of Virginia, received testimony in executive session from the Reverend 
James H. Robinson, founder and pastor emeritus of the Church of 
the Master, New York City. Dr. Robinson's testimony was subse- 
quently made public by the committee. 

In opening the hearing, the staff director of the committee empha- 
sized that the record should reflect that the appearance of the witness 
was a voluntary one. He stated that Mr. Robinson's appearance v/as 
a direct result of a request he had made to the committee to testify in 
detail concerning his past activities and associations with Communist 
and front groups. 

It was pointed out that some of the organizations with which 
Mr. Robinson had been affiliated had been officially cited as Com- 
munist. Although other groups had not been, it was the committee's 
view that all of the organizations about which he would be questioned 
were Communist influenced. It was, therefore, the committee's desire 
to give Mr. Robinson an opportunity to explain the circumstances 
surrounding his participation in them and his current views on 

Mr. Robinson testified that he was born in Knoxville, Tenn., in 
1907. His family moved to Cleveland, Ohio, in 1917. He attended 
elementary school in Youngstown, Ohio, and high school in Cleveland. 
He graduated from Lincoln Universit}^ in Pennsylvania in 1935 and 
from Union Theological Seminary in 1938. Prior to his graduation, 


the witness was ordained as a minister by the Presbytery of Cleveland. 
In this same year, Mr. Robinson founded the Church of the Master 
and the Morningside Community Center in the Harlem section of 
New York City. 

Mr. Robinson served as pastor of the Church of the Master for over 
23 years or until October 1962. He is presently pastor emeritus. 

In 1954, Mr. Robinson founded Operation Crossroads Africa, a 
student exchange program between the United States and Africa. 
The organization, located in New York City, is a private, non- 
denominational, nonprofit group. Crossroads recruits U.S. college 
students, regardless of race or creed, to work in Africa as members of 
its volunteer teams. They live among the people, helping them 
build and staff schools, coaching their youth in sports activities, and 
working ^vith them on varied projects designed to improve their 
living conditions. The pm-pose, explained Mr. Robinson, is to 
develop student interest in working with one of the U.S. Government 
programs on that continent after their experience with Crossroads. 
In this way, he stated, the image of the United States would be im- 
proved, while that of Africa would be broadened. 

Mr. Robinson had served on the advisory committee for Africa of 
the U.S. Department of State, in addition to being a Vice Chairman 
of the National Advisory Council to the Peace Corps. In discussing 
the essential differences between the Peace Corps and Operation 
Crossroads, Mr. Robinson noted that Crossroads was a "kuid of a 
feeder" for the Peace Corps. 

The committee proceeded next to question Mr. Robinson about his 
support of Communist organizations and fronts dm-ing the thirties 
and forties. He stated that his association with such groups started 
when he was a student at Union Theological Seminary in the late 

When asked whether, in 1940, he had been a sponsor of the Emer- 
gency Peace Mobilization, which had been cited as Communist by 
both the Attorney General and by this committee, Mr. Robinson 
stated : 

It came about, I think, because at that time, or just 
before that time, when I was a student at Union Seminary, 
Dr. Harry F. Ward was involved in many of these peace 
groups. I trusted him as a teacher, number 1. I knew 
that he was a liberal and I did a good many thuigs, along \\-ith 
some other students, and joined some committees, such as 
that one, to which I lent my name but never did much work 
for because I was founding the church, the community 
center, and a co-op store at tlie same time. 

As I recollect, my interest in that and the League Against 
War and Fascism^ was first gained through Dr. Harry F. Ward. 

According to Mr. Robinson, Dr. Harry F. Ward was one of his 
professors at Union Theological Seminary and was the one who 
approached him in tlie late 1930's and asked him to support certain 
organizations which, it later developed, were Communist controlled. 
When Mr. Robinson arrived at Union Theological Seminary, he 

s The American League Against War and Fascism was founded In 1933. In 1937 the League changed Its 
name to the American League for Peace and Democracy. The Attorney General, the Senate Internal 
Security Subcommittee, and the Special Committee on Un-American .Vctlvities have all cited this organi- 
zation as Communist. (Quide to Subveraire Organizations and Publications, HCUA) 


stated that Dr. Ward was ''the person who accepted me easier and 
quicker than anyone else," 

In describing the influence which Dr. Ward had on his students, Mr. 
Robinson stated: 

There were some professors who said that Negroes were 
incapable, but we ought to let them in the school because they 
are going to go into the ministry. I remember one professor 
who gave every Negro a "B" whether he earned it or not, 
because he thought it was charitable. 

I did not like that. I wanted to get what I earned. * * * 
Harry Ward was simple, down to earth, and he accepted me. 

He was then involved in the League Against War and 
Fascism. I remember the first time he asked me to come to a 
rally in Madison Square Garden. I was concerned with 
peace and a better deal for all people. He had a powerful 
impact on me and a large number of other students. 

You have to realize that at that period Union Seminary 
was going through its own revolution in terms of the whole 
idea of the social involvement of the nainister. There was a 
real revolt on the part of students against many of the people 
on the faculty, led by Harry F. Ward. 

I woidd say that he had a powerful impact upon my life 
for about the next 7 or 8 years after that. 

Mr. Robinson was questioned regarding his support and sponsor- 
ship of a mass rally and antilynch parade which took place in the 
Harlem section of New York on February 11, 1938, under the auspices 
of the United Youth Committee Against Lynching.* Also participat- 
ing in this function were the Young Communist League, the Com- 
munist Party, the Workers Alliance, the International Workers 
Order, the Transport Workers Union ^ — aU of which have been cited 
as Communist organizations — and some non-Communist groups. 
In reply, Mr. Robinson stated : 

My concern was, at the time, in 1938 — I was also director 
of the youth activities for the NAACP on a part-time basis 
before I got out of theological seminary and all through my 
first year and a half as founder of the Church of the Master, 
which I began the first Sunday in May of 1938. 

I would have gone primarily because of my desire to stand 
against lynching and at that time possibly nobody else except 
the NAACP was doing that. I made it clear I was not a 
Communist, even though I did participate in things like this. 

Asked whether he would support an activity in which he knew 
Communists were involved if he felt it served a cause in which he was 
interested, Mr. Robinson stated: 

I did in those days. I would not do it now. With age 
and experience, you learn a good many other things. But in 
those things, when I had just come to the Church of the 
Master and was involved in a great many things in the 

* The United Youth Committee Against Lynching was cited as a Communist front by the Special Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities in 1944. {Guide, HCUA) 

' TWU leaders opposed the election of Communists to office in the union and defeated the Communist 
slate in 1948. 


Harlem community, I did not make the same distinctions that 
I would now. 

Mr. Robinson was questioned concerning his association with the 
American Peace Mobilization,^ established during the period of the 
Stalin-Hitler pact (1939-1941). He was asked about minutes of a 
meeting of the New York Council of the American Peace Mobiliza- 
tion in which it was noted that the Reverend James H. Robinson 
had been nominated as a member of the group's executive board. 
Mr. Robinson answered: 

I do not recall being nominated. I know one thins;. I 
never served and never went to a single meeting. I do not 
recall even getting an invitation to a meeting. This might 
have been like a good many things in which names were 
asked and used. I would be nuich more careful about letting 
my name be used now than in those days * * *. 

When asked whether he was aware, at the time of his participation, 
either that the American Peace Mobilization was Communist con- 
trolled or influenced, Mr. Robinson replied: 

I was not aware it was Communist controlled. I did not 
know, in the beginning in most of these things, how many 
people in them were Communists. I found out later that 
there were some Communists in it. I did not always resign 
from a committee, even though they were using my name, 
even when I found there were Commvmists in it, because 
I felt I should keep abreast of what they were thinking and 
it was a way to express my point of view, 

Mr. Robinson was asked to evaluate his efforts to influence the 
political direction of the organization or its members by remaining in 
such a group under the circumstances. He answered: 

I did not convert anybody. Of that I am sure. On the 
other hand, sometimes I utilized the opportunity on a plat- 
form to make a position clear to people coming to a public 
meeting, but they never published this like they published 
all the other things. 

Mr. Robinson also noted that when groups which promoted Com- 
nnmist causes solicited his endorsement of a policy statement, they 
frequently did not show him the text of the statement. Ostensibly 
the Communist Party worked for peace, civil rights, and similar 
goals — tilings in which Mr. Robinson believed. For this reason 
he would agree to their use of his name. However, he stated: 

I would have to admit categorically in those days I was 
not always very wise and often I did not see these statements. 

Elsewhere in his testimony, Mr. Robinson was asked whether he 
knew of any case in which someone had used his name without his 

• The American Peace Mobilization was cited as Coniinunist by the Attorney General in 1942, the Special 
CoinrnJttee on Un-American Activities in 1942, and the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee in 195G. 
(Guide, HCUA) 


permission in connection with some Communist-front organization. 
He replied: 

I know of cases where my name w^as used where I did not 
sign something or where they said I went to speak and I did 
not go to speak. But who did it, I do not know. 

When asked whether, as advertised, he had been a speaker at 
a Formu for Victory meeting sponsored by a Communist Party club 
in New York City in 1943, he stated that he did not definitely recall 
the event, but that — 

if I spoke, and I may have spoken, it w^ould have been be- 
cause I was workmg strongly then with a great many Jewish 
groups against anti-semitism. I would have spoken only for 
that reason and under those cu'cumstances. 


I would ssij that at that time I believed if I could utilize 
the Communist Party for things that I believed in, although 
I knew it was a hazardous pursuit to try to do so, that I 
should try to do that. 

Asked about his support of Benjamin J. Davis, Jr., in his election 
to the New York City Council on the Communist Party ticket dming 
the 1940's, yir. Robmson replied: 

I had supported his candidacy because nobody else was 
nominating Negroes at that time. * * * 

Mr. Robmson stated that he had "never been a member of the 
Communist Party." On the same point, at a subsequent part of 
the hearing, he stated: 

I have never wanted nor desu-ed to be a Communist. No- 
body ever asked me explicitly to join the Communist Party, 
but I think they would have been happy if I had joined the 
Communist Party. I am sure Ben Davis and some others 
would have been. 

When asked if he had ever attended a Communist Party meeting, 
he responded : 

I never attended a Communist meeting of a Communist 
Party cell or a Communist meetmg per se. * * * 

At a subsequent pomt in his testimony, Mr. Robinson was asked 
the following question by Representative Ichord: 

You stated in your testimony that back when you were 
associated with Mr. Robeson and Ben Davis and others in 
several causes, that at that time you were of the mind that 
you would join wdth a Communist or anyone who was work- 
ing for the objectives that you had in mind, and then later 
on you changed your mind. 

I would like for you to elaborate somewhat upon that. 

Mr. Robinson replied : 

Well, I came to the place where you have to recognize, 
first of all, that you might do your cause and yourself more 
harm, if you joined w^ith people who are better organized 


than you are, and better disciplined in a group than you 
have, and their great asset is tight discipUne. 

They know where the}^ are going and what they want to 
do. They can play it easy or soft. They can sit in a meet- 
ing that everyone leaves, as long as there is a quorum, and 
they will get the votes. I saw this happen many times at 
first without knowmg what was happening. I learned, but 
some people never did learn. 

I do not thmk it would be to my advantage, for example, 
in Operation Crossroads Africa to let a Black Muslim come 
into Operation Crossroads Africa. I must admit one got in 
from the University of CaUfornia at Berkeley, but we put 
him on a plane from Africa, when we found out about it, and 
sent him home. 

I would say the same thing about Communists. I would 
not let Communists in either. Now, would I let them 
cooperate with us on anything? No, I would not take that 
old position of cooperating any more. I would not get in- 
volved with people with ulterior motives who really end up 
trying to use you to make capital for their ends. 

When asked to state approximately when it was that his position 
on supporting or cooperating with Communists or Communist fronts 
had changed, Mr. Robinson replied: 

I think my position on these matters began to change in 
the middle 1940's toward the end of the war and were 
solidified, I would say, by 1949-1950, when I took a whole 
new position which I referred to previously. After I took 
that trip abroad for the Presbyterian Church in 1951 and 
1952 to see who was wTinning the minds of young people and 
learned a good many more things outside of this country that 
I had not learned while I was in it — although I had learned 
a good many things about communism in this country — I 
thmk my change was completed. 

Mr. Robinson gave several examples of anti-Communist activities 
he had undertaken over the years. In 1941, he had organized the 
African Academy of Art and Research in New York City, which was 
designed to serve as a hospitality center for African students studying 
in the United States. In the post- World War 11 years, when Mr. 
Robinson learned that the Council on African Affairs, which he 
described as "a decided front organization," ^ was attempting to 
involve African students in the United States in Communist activities, 
he utilized the African Academy of Art and Research to offset the 
operations of the Council on African Affairs. 

When asked whether he had since learned that the Communists 
have fought for the elimination of antisemitisni and other forms of 
prejudice or discrimination, including discrimination against Negroes, 
more as a tool to aid their own purposes than as a sincere position, 
Mr. Robinson replied: 

Yes, I found out a lot of things about the methods of the 
Communist Party in utihzing these things, and I have 

'The Council on African Affairs was cited as Communist and subversive by Attorney General Tom 
Clark In 1947 and 1948. {Guide, HCUA) 

un-AjMericax activities annual report 45 

written extensively about them, especially a chapter on 
communism in a book called Tomorrow h Today which was 
published in 1954. 

The minister also mentioned that he had written a pamphlet entitled 
Love of This Ixind at the request of Donald Stone, former Director of 
the Mutual Securitj^ Agency. This pamphlet, published in 1956, 
pointed out the progress that was being made and had been made in 
the United States in the area of race relations. It was designed to 
assist U.S. Government personnel ser\"ing overseas, particularly those 
working in Asia, in replying to criticism about racial matters in the 
United States. 

Mr. Robinson emphasized the need for all those going abroad to be 
knowledgeable about communism, its strategies, and tactics. Refer- 
ring to Operation Crossroads Africa, Mr. Robinson stated: 

Although we do not state this explicitly, our job is to fight 
communism; our job is to help people create that kind of a 
democratic structure that would help them to combat it. 

Describing the training given voluntary workers in his Operation 
Crossroads Africa project, Mr. Robinson testified: 

We give great attention to this whole area in Crossroads 
when our people meet at Douglas College for Women at 
Rutgers for 7 days for their final preparation. We indicate 
what types of groups in the various countries of Africa 
might be leftwing or Communist and how they can answer 
them effectively and how they are going to avoid being 
pushed into a corner. 


We spend the whole day with the kind of problems they 
were going to face, what they should be reading, set up some 
potential situations that they might face, and help them to 
work out some of the answers, because they are going to be 
challenged all along the line, and especially by the leftwing 
students or the Communists. 

This is going to be more of a problem in the years to come, 
because the great wave of African students who have gone 
to [East] Germany or Moscow or Peking or Poland is just 
now this summer beginning to come back in sluj significant 
numbers. In 4 to 5 years that wave will reach its peak. 

So we are trying to prepare our young people and our 
leaders, too, in what they can do to win an audience and get 
people to go along with them and see their view rather than 
just winning a battle. 

Following his tour of African countries in 1958, Mr. Robinson made 
public statements that it was clear that communism was a greater 
threat to the new and emerging nations of Africa^ than Nasser's 
ambitions were. 

Referring to leaders of the civil rights movement in the United 
States who believe (as he does) that people can "logically" be civilly 
disobedient at times, Mr. Robinson said: 

But it is the obligation of the person who takes this stand 
to purge out of their ranks the kind of people who do not 

' Interview, New York Times, September 14 1958, "Reds, Not Nasser, Feared in Africa." 


take it for the same good reasons of conscience and who try 
to use it to another advantage or infiltrate the movement 
for Communist ends. 

This is their responsibility to do this. They cannot hide 
under the fact that our cause is so good and oiu- situation is 
so desperate that we will accept anybody on a brotherhood 
front movement to come in and help us. 

That will include Malcolm X, the Communists, and a good 
many other people with whom I would not agree under these 
circumstances. So I think the best thing to do is to pre- 
pare the minds of young people about what communism is 
and help them to face it. 


In May 1963 the Committee on Un-American Activities held its 
initial hearings on violations of State Department regulations which 
ban travel to Cuba except for those possessing specially validated 

These hearings, in which a total of 42 witnesses testified, were held 
in Washington, D.C., on May 6, 7, and 23, August 5, September 12 
and 13, October 16, and November 18, 1963, and in Los Angeles, Calif., 
on July 1, and 2, 1963. 

The legislative purposes of the hearings were to determine the need 

(1) for tightening laws regulating foreign travel of U.S. citizens and 

(2) for broadening the definition of persons required to register with 
the Attorney General under the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 

Hearings on this subject were continued on September 3, 4, and 28, 
1964, when the conmiittee received testimony from six additional 
witnesses. Four of the witnesses had visited Cuba at the in\dtation 
and expense of the Cuban Federation of University Students. The 
other two were representatives from travel agencies which had 
handled reservations for the student group that went to Cuba in 
the summer of 1964. Of the former, witness Albert Maher had made 
the trip in 1963, while Edward Lemansky, Yvonne Bond, and Morton 
Slater had been leaders of the group which departed for Cuba in June 
1964. Both trips had been organized by the Student Committee for 
Travel to Cuba, which has its headquarters m New York City. 

At the hearings on September 3, 1964, the subcommittee chairman, 
Mr. Ichord, pointed out that, in conformitj' with the resolution 
authorizing the hearings, attention would be — 

directed to Communist propaganda activities in behalf, 
or in the interest, of foreign Communist principals, and also 
to foreign travel undertaken in connection therewith, in \'io- 
lation of State Department regulations adopted pursuant to 
statute. Our inquhy will be particidarly related to the cir- 
cumstances siuTounding the travel to Cuba, in the summers 
of 1963 and 1964, of persons or groups known as the Perma- 
nent Student Connnittee for Travel to Cuba, or simply, the 
Student Committee for Travel to Cuba, and propaganda 


activities undertaken by such persons and groups in aid of 
foreign Communist governments. 


In its Annual Report for 1963, this committee has already- 
made one legishitive recommendation to the Congress arising 
out of its investigations on the subjects of inquiry set forth 
in the committee resohition of April 24, 1963, whicii I have 
just read. This reconunendation relates to a proposed 
amendment of section 215 of the Immigration and Nation- 
aUty Act of 1952, which is section 1185 of Title 8 of the 
United States Code. Several bills on this subject have been 
offered in the House, including H.R. 9045, introduced on 
November 6, 1963, by the chairman of this committee, our 
chairman, Mr. Willis, whom I am very happy to see with the 
subcommittee today. These bills have not yet been reported 
out of committees to which they have been assigned. There 
are many problems remaining in this area of legislation, and 
we continue today our efforts to develop additional factual 
information to aid the Congress and its committees in the 
disposition of such bills, and for the proposal of any necessary- 
remedial legislation. 

That the Congress may legislate — and thus inquhe^ — on this 
subject is unquestioned. Section 215 of the Immigration and 
Nationality Act of 1952 authorizes the President to impose 
restrictions upon the travel of United States citizens during 
time of war or national emergency and, subject to such limi- 
tations and exceptions as the President may authorize, to 
forbid the departure of citizens from the United States during 
such periods unless such citizens bear valid passports. 

Recently, Fidel Castro invited a number of United States 
correspondents to visit Cuba, promising to bear all the ex- 
penses of their travel. The Department of State validated 
the passports of 20-odd correspondents for travel to Cuba, 
but, on advice from tlie Department of Justice, cautioned 
the correspondents that if they accepted expense payments 
from the Cuban Government they might subject themselves 
to the recjuhements and penalties of the Foreign Agents 
Registration Act of 1938. The correspondents, with one ex- 
ception, namely, Richard Hudson, editor of a magazine called 
War and Peace Report, announced that they would travel to 
Cuba at their own expense. 

On the other hand, since the severance of diplomatic re- 
lations with Cuba on January 3, 1961, a substantial number of 
United States citizens not registered under the act have trav- 
eled to Cuba with all or part of their expenses paid by the 
Cuban Government or its agencies and, upon their return 
to the United States, have engaged in propaganda activities 
in aid of the Castro regime, yet not one of those persons has 
been prosecuted under the penal sanctions of the Foreign 
Agents Registration Act to date. As will be brought out in 
these hearings, members of the student group which went to 

03-.32.3— Gu 5 


Cuba this summer not only had all their expenses paid by 
the Castro go\ernment, but were also given an extra $10 per 
week for spending money. 

Certain questions arise. Is the act effective as presently 
written? Is it being duly enforced? ^^^lat, if any, are the 
deficiencies in the act? In answer to these and other cpies- 
tions, the conunittee is attempting to ascertain the circum- 
stances surrounding the travel and propaganda activities in 
which the travelers to Cuba have been engaged, so that it may 
be in a position to resolve the issues presented. 

The Foreign Agents Registration Act provides, in l)rief, for 
the registration of persons and organizations which act as 
agents of foreign principals, including agents of friendly for- 
eign powers, as well as those of the Soviet and Chinese bloc 
countries, and requires the labeling of any "political propa- 
ganda" transmitted in the United States mails, or by any 
means, in interstate or foreign commerce. B}' the terms of 
the act, it is clear that the mere fact of registration does not 
imply that activities of such agents are, by sole fact of regis- 
tration, deemed harmful, or that any political propaganda 
disseminated by such agents is necessarily untruthful or in- 
imical to the welfare of the United States. 

September 3 Hearings 

On September 3 the subcommittee received testunony from George 
Luke and Alexander Lewin, representatives of two New York City 
travel agencies which had made reservations for travel from the U.S. 
to Europe for the great majority of the student group that went to 
Cuba in the summer of 1964. 

In addition to testimony received from witnesses Luke and Le\vin, 
affidavits were received from Phillip N. Addabbo, Aldo Ferrero, and 
Merril}" Ann Cramer of Pan American World Airways, and fiom Mr. 
Harry Cohn of the Macpherson Travel Bureau, Inc., in New York City 
describing transportation arrangements made with those agencies. 

Yvonne Bond and Morton Slater, two members of tlie group who 
traveled to Cuba, were also called to testify on this date. Informa- 
tion developed through committee investigation indicated that Miss 
Bond and Mr. Slater had been two of the principals involved in arrang- 
ing transportation for tlie "students" who traveled t(^ Cu])a during 
the summer of 19G4 under the sponsorship of the Student Conunittee 
for Travel to Cuba. 

On May 10, 1964, Morton Slater contacted Mr. Lewin at Foreign 
Tours, Inc., hi New York City to arrange transportation to Paris for 
27 persons. Slater first identified the group as the Manhattan Ai't 
Club, but later stated that he didn't want the art group mentioned 
because they were not going "as an affinity group." On May 12, 
Slater made a $1,000 deposit on the reservations. The balance (hie 
on the reservations was ])ai{l by Mr. Slater on May 26, when he gave 
Mr. Lewin $9,254 in "crisp" new bills of $100 denomination. During 
this visit to Foreign Tours. Shiter had been accompaniod by a young 
woman who identified herself as Katsko Itakava. Mr. Lewin was 
told to contact her concerning the reservations should the need arise. 


On June 2, Mr. Slater made arrangements for three additional reser- 
vations with Foreign Tours. 

Dm-mg the hearing, Mr. Lewm was asked if the person known to 
him as Katsko Itakava was in the liearing room. The witness pointed 
her out. Tlie person known to Mr. 1 .ewin as Miss Itakava was Wendie 
Suzuko Nakashima Rosen. She had been a witness before the 
committee in September 1963 and was one of the group of students 
who traveled to Cuba in the summer of 1963 in violation of State 
Department travel regulations. 

An affidavit from Mr. Harry Cohn, president and general manager 
of the Macpherson Travel Bureau, attested to the following facts: 

On May 20 Mr. Slater had contacted Mr. Cohn and arranged to 
pm-chase 25 tickets to Paris. On May 24 he deposited with Mr. Cohn 
$8,000 in new bills of $100 denomination. The number of reserva- 
tions was subsequently reduced to nme, and a refmid was issued to 
Mr. Slater by the Macpherson agency. Mr. Cohn also stated that 
Slater was accompanied on one of his visits by a young woman who 
gave her name as Katsuko Itkawa, and was listed as second airline 
contact. Slater said that the group was going to Paris to stud}?" art, 
and "at no time" did he mform Mr. Cohn that the jom-ney would 
extend beyond Paris to Cuba. 

On May 19, 1964, Yvonne M. Bond had made arrangements with 
Trans World Au'lines in Oakland, Calif., for transportation from 
California to Paris for herself and 29 others. She paid $12,408 for the 
tickets in nevv^ bills of $100 denomination. These reservations were 
subsequently canceled and a refund issued to Miss Bond by TWA. 

On May 22, Miss Bond registered at the Gramercy Hotel in New 
York City. The following day she contacted Lee Coe m Berkeley, 
Calif., by telephone and visited the offices of Travel Associates in 
New York City. 

Lee Coe is West Coast editor of the Progressive Labor Movement's 
official publication, Progressive Labor. For over 20 years prior to his 
association with the Progressive Labor Movement, Coe had been 
associated with the Commmiist Party of the United States and was 
labor editor of its West Coast newspaper. People's World. He had 
been identified as a member of the Communist Party in both executive 
and public hearuigs of this committee. 

On her visit to Travel Associates on May 23, 1964, Miss Bond was 
accompanied by Morton Slater. They obtained information on trans- 
portation rates for a group of students to travel from San Francisco 
to Paris. 

On Monday, May 25, Miss Bond and Mr. Slater returned to Travel 
Associates and gave Mr. Luke 47 new $100 bills as a deposit on au'line 
reservations to Paris, via Au* France, for 28 students from the San 
Francisco Bay area. These new $100 bills were traced b}" the 
committee to the Central Bank of Mexico in Mexico City, [The bills, 
bearing the following serial numbers — K 3735411-13, K 3735431 
K 3735442-48, K 3735605-31, and K 3735633-41— were shipped to 
the San Antonio branch of the Federal Reserve Bank m July 1962. 
They were held there until April 20, 1964, when they were issued to 
the Frost National Bank of San Antonio. On that same day, they 
were included m a shipment of $1 million made to the Banco de Mexico 
in Mexico City by the Frost National Bank.] 


A refund for seven unused tickets from San Francisco to New York 
was later sent to Miss Bond by American Aii'lines. A refund of 
$2,225.12 for eight unused tickets from New York to Paris was Ijeinc; 
held by Travel Associates. It had not been claimed as of the date of 
the hearing. 

Miss Bond and Mr. Slater also visited the offices of Pan American 
World Airways on May 25, 1964. The transaction with Pan Am was 
handled by Mr. Slater. Reservations from Chicago to Philadelphia 
to Paris were made for a group of 25 "students." Mr. Slater paid 
$10,420 for them, also with new bills of $100 denomination. 

Appearhig under subpena, Miss Bond was questioned about the 
arrangements she had made with the travel agencies, how^ she acquired 
the money to pay for the tickets, and rier acquaintance with Lee Coe. 
She declined to answer on the basis of the fifth amendment and other 

Invoking the same constitutional protection, Miss Bond refused to 
tell the committee if the transportation for the group between Paris 
and Prague had been paid for by either the Czechoslovakian or Cuban 
Governments; if she had received a slip visa from the Cuban consulate 
at Prague; if she had exhibited her passport to any representatives of 
the Cuban consulate or to any French or Czechoslovakian official 
prior to her arrival in Prague; or if she had received the equivalent of 
$10 a week spending money during the time she was in Cuba. 

It was pointed out to the witness that, subsequent to the arrival of 
the group in Cuba, a Havana television broadcast reported that some 
of the American students had donated blood to the Cuban blood bank. 
The report on the incident attributed the following statement to 
Yvonne Bond: 

To me, this represents my biggest anti-imperialist act. 
There is my blood, to be used by some Cuban who is wounded 
lighting against some possible United States attack. 

The witness responded to questions about this statement by de- 
claring that she did not recall if the report had used her "exact words 
or not." She also stated that she had been found to be anemic and 
was unable to donate blood, as a number of others did. Miss Bond 
praised Fidel Castro and the Communist regime in Cuba. She said 
she regarded the United States "in certain respects" as "an imperialist 

Miss Bond acknowledged that she was a member of the Progressive 
Labor Movement, that in a press interview following her trip to Cuba 
she "proudly proclaimed that she was a Communist," and that on 
August 15, in New York City, she had taken part in a demonstration 
sponsored by the May 2nd Committee which was held to protest L'.S. 
aid to the anti-Conmriunist forces in South Vietnam. 

The witness invoked constitutional protection and declined to 
answer when asked to whom slie had submitted her application for 
membership in the Progressive Labor Movement, if slie liad been as- 
signed to a cell or club, if she knew certain individuals as meinl)ers 
of the Progressive Labor Movement, or if the New York unit of the 
May 2nd (V^mmittee was controlled l)y tlie Progressive Labor 

Morton B. Slater was the next witness called to testify. Shortly 
after the commencement of his interrogation, the hearing was dis- 


rupted when Lon L. Dunn way, a member of the American Nazi Party, 
bolted up the aisle, leaped over the witness, and lauded on the table at 
which Slater, his counsel, the committee counsel, and an investiga- 
tor were seated. Dunaway was immediately subdued by police and 
placed under arrest. The interrogation of Slater was halted at this 
point, and he was continued under subpena to appear at a later date.^ 

September 28 Hearing 

Morton Slater subsequently testified in executive session on Septem- 
ber 28, 1964. This hearing record was later made public. 

He was questioned about his participation in arrangements for reser- 
vations with Foreign Tours, Travel Associates, and Pan American 
Airways. He was also questioned about certain other travel arrange- 
ments he had made with the Alacpherson Travel Bureau in New York 
City to purchase 25 tickets to Paris. 

Mr. Slater refused to affirm or deny statements concerning him 
given in testimony by Air. Luke and Mr. Le\^-in. Basing his refusal 
on the fifth and other amendments to the Constitution, he also declined 
to answer questions pertaining to arrangements he had made vith Pan 
American Airways or the Macpherson travel agency or where he^ had 
obtained the money to purchase the tickets, or to state if Wendie Naka- 
shima Rosen, the young woman who had identified herself to Mr. 
Lewin as Katsko Itakava, was the same young woman who had iden- 
tified herself to Air. Cohn as Katsuko Itkawa. 

Mr. Slater also invoked constitutional protection when asked if the 
cost of the trip from Paris to Prague had been paid by the Cuban or 
Czechoslovakian Governments, if he had received a slip visa from 
the Cuban considate in Prague, or if he had exhibited his passport to 
French or Czechoslovakian officials or to any representatives of the 
Cuban Government in Prague. 

The witness testified that he was aware of State Department regula- 
tions regarding travel to Cuba, but he made no request to have his 
passport validated for such travel. Asked if he had intended to travel 
to Cuba when he applied for a passport. Air. Slater invoked constitu- 
tional protection. 

Although Air. Slater denied that he had any kind of assignment 
in making the trip, he invoked constitutional protection when asked 
if he had intended to serve the interests of the Student Committee for 
Travel to Cuba. The ^vitness acknowledged that he is a member of the 
Progressive Labor Movement, but declined to answer questions re- 
lating to the time he became a member of that organization, whether 
he was a member at the time he went to Cuba, or if the Student 
Committee for Travel to Cuba was created by the Progressive Labor 

September 4 Hearings 

On Friday, September 4, 1964, testimony was received from Edward 
Lemansky and Albert Maher. 

Mr. Lemansky is a graduate of Antioch College, Yellow Springs, 
Ohio. He had been employed as a research assistant at the Popula- 
tion Study Center of the University of Alichigan and as a personnel 

' An examination of Slater by the House physician revealed that he had received a minor injury as a 
result of Duna way's leap onto the table. On September 21, 1964, Dunaway was convicted in the District 
of Columbia Court of General Sessions on charges of assault and disorderly conduct and was sentenced to 
180 days in prison. 


trainee at the Veterans' Administration Hospital in Brooklyn, N.Y. 

The witness acknowledged under oath that he is a Communist; a 
member of, and organizer for, the Progressive Labor Movement, which 
he described as a "Communist organization, a Communist move- 
ment." He denied past or present membership in the orthodox 
Conmnmist Party, the CPUSA. 

In February 1964, Mr. Lemansky had his passport renewed in 
preparation for the summer trip to Cuba sponsored by the Student 
Committee for Travel to Cuba. He stated that he "absolutely" had 
it in mind to go to Cuba at the time he applied for passport renewal, 
but that he had made no request to have his passport validated for 
travel to that Commimist country, despite the fact that he was aware 
of State Department regulations which require such validation. 

The witness testified that he was leader of the group which, at the 
invitation and expense of the Cuban Federation of University Stu- 
dents, traveled to Cuba by way of Paris and Prague. He said that, 
to the best of his knowledge, each member of the group had received 
a slip visa from the Cuban consulate in Prague for entry into Cuba. 
Asked if the group had been instructed by Cuban authorities not to 
exhibit their passports, Lemansky replied: 

I advised people to keep then- passports in their pockets; 
the}' were not needed, no reason to show it to anybody. Why 
give the American Government additional "evidence" in this 
fabricated trial? 

He denied that the group had ever received any instructions from 
the Cuban Government not to exhibit their passports. 

When questioned about the obvious relationship between the 
Progressive Labor Movement and the Student Committee for Travel 
to Cuba, Lemansky stated that to the best of his knowledge the 
Student Committee was "formed independentl}^" He added: 

It happens to be a true purpose of the Progressive Labor 
Movement to eradicate and destroy the lies and falsehoods 
that have been told to the American people about Cuba and 
about the United States, the lies that are told about the num- 
ber of unemployed, the lies that are told about the racism 
in this country, the lie that we are eliminating it when, in 
fact, the race system is on the upswing. That is the true 
purpose of the Progressive Labor Movement. 

He also stated : 

The Student Committee for Travel to Cuba has as its 
stated purpose to get ])eoj~)le to Cuba to see what is happen- 
ing there and to come back to the United States and tell the 
American people what we have seen. 

Mr. Lemansky declined to answer, on the basis of the fifth amend- 
ment and other constitutional provisions, when asked if he had been 
selected by an}' member of tlie Progressi\e Labor Movement 1o soi've 
as leader of the group which visited Cuba, if his j)iupose in preceiling 
his group to Paris on June 2 was to arrange transportation to Prague, 
or to state where he obtained money to purchase tickets for travel 
from Pai'is to Prague. 

According to Mr. Lemansky, "tlie Cuban revolution is a good thing, 
not only for the people of Cuba, but for the people of the United 


States." He also asserted that Fidel Castro should have so-called 
defensive weapons because he "needs to defend himself against the 
unjustified attacks by the United States Government." 

Lemansky was questioned about a newsletter published by the 
Student Committee for Travel to Cuba in July 1964. It reported on 
the activities of the student travelers and quoted statements by 
Lemansky and others in the group which commended Castro and 
the revolution and viciously criticized the United States. The news- 
letter also contained the text of a statement signed by 61 students in 
which they denounced United States Government policy in South 
Vietnam as "Imperialist oppression." 

The witness acknowledged having participated in the drafting of 
the statement on Vietnam and conceded that, during a visit with the 
Havana delegation of the (Communist) South Vietnamese National 
Liberation Front, the group discussed the war in Vietnam and viewed 
films. He said: "We saw a film which showed what was referred 
to as an American plane being shot down." 

Asked if he had applauded this, Lemansky finally admitted: "I 

Committee counsel exhibited a copy of a statement made by Phillip 
Abbott Luce, chairman of the Student Committee for Travel to Cuba, 
at a press conference on August 14, 1964. Luce had declared: 

We are now preparing and making plans to send delega- 
tions to all of the so-called forbidden countries: Albania, 
North Korea, North Vietnam, and especially China, and that 
we very strongly hope to send a group not only to Cuba but 
certainly hopefully to China, and North Vietnam, and if 
possible, North Korea and Albania, aU in one year. 

Asked if he had any discussions regarding such plans with repre- 
sentatives of the Communist Chinese in Havana, Lemansky denied 
having participated in "formal discussion," but acknowledged that, 
in the course of the "students' " visit to the Red Chinese Embassy in 
Havana, there was "some talk of the possibility of young Americans 
visiting China." 

On June 23, 1964, a report on American students in Cuba was 
broadcast from Communist North Vietnam. According to the Radio 
Hanoi broadcast, a group called the Afro-American Students Orga- 
nization was being accompanied by Robert Williams ^° during its 
tour of Cuba. The report also stated that on June 17 the group had 
presented the following statement to the South Vietnamese National 
Liberation Front: 

As we live in the heart of U.S. imperialism and colonial- 
ism, and racism, we have clearly seen U.S. democracy is the 
greatest deception in history. That is why we support 

'" Robert Williams is a fugitive from justice. He was indicted on August 28, 1961, on two charges of kid- 
naping during racial disturbances in Monroe, N.C. When he could not be located the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation Issued a warrant for his arrest on charges of unlawful flight to avoid prosecution. A "Wanted 
by FBI" notice dated August 31, 1961, cautions that Williams "has previously been diagnosed as schizo- 
phrenic and has advocated and threatened violence. Williams should be considered extremely dangerous." 

The National Guardian of October 9, 1961, reported that Williams had arrived in Cuba in September and 
had asked pohtical asylum of the Cuban Government. 

^ Williams regularly broadcasts propaganda from Havana to the United States through his radio program 
"Radio Free Dixie." He also publishes a monthly newsletter called The Crusader, calling on Negroes in 
the United States to revolt against the Government. The pamphlet is distributed to readers in the United 
States by Mr. and Mrs. Vernal Olson of Toronto, Canada. Mr. Olson is "National Chairman of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee of Canada," according to the February 1964 issue of The Crusader. 


the national liberation movements of om' brothers in Asia, 
Africa, and Latin America. We support all that U.S. im- 
perialism opposes, and oppose all that it supports. It is 
necessary to thoroughly and completely annihilate U.S. im- 

Responding to questions about the report, Lemansky stated that he 
knew of no organization titled "Afro-American Students Organiza- 
tion." Afro-American students were in his group, he said, and the 
phrase "Association of Afro-American Students" was often used in 
referring to them.^' According to the ^\^tness, Robert Williams visited 
the group on a number of occasions in Havana, but had not traveled 
with" them throughout the island. WilHams, he said, "has a lot of 
very good things to sa}^ about this country, a lot of ver\" accurate 
and correct things." 

Committee comisel tlien read some of the "things" Williams had 
said about the United States in his article "U.S.A. — Revolution With- 
out Violence?" The article had been published in the March 1964 
issue of Revolution, a pro-Peking, Paris-based magazine recognized as 
the voice of the extremely revolutionary and violent Communists of 
the world. 

According to Williams' article — 

the old method of guerrilla warfare, as carried out from the 
hills and countrj'side, would be ineffective in a powerful 
countrj^ like the U.S.A. * * * The new concept is to huddle 
as close to the enemy as possible so as to neutralize his 
modern and fierce weapons. * * * During the hours of the 
day sporadic rioting takes place and massive sniping. Night 
brings all-out warfare, organized fighting, and unlimited 
terror against the oppressor and his forces. Such a cam- 
paign will bring about an end to oppression and social 
injustice in the U.S.A. in less than 90 days * * *. 

Mr. Lemansky was asked if he subscribed to such a concept of revo- 
lutionary tactics with respect to the United States. The witness did 
not give a direct answer, but made the following statements as he 
attempted to circumvent questions put to him by members of the 
committee; "I support the use of violent defense when violently 
attacked." "Robert Williams is a man with much experience, having 
had violence dii-ected against him * * *." 

Lemansky defended Williams. He stated tliat he had lived in 
AVilliams' home town, Monroe, N.C., for a year. He had testified 
earlier that he had gone to Monroe in June 1963 at the invitation of 
the \fonroe Youtli Action Committee antl that, during his stay in that 
city, he had worked with a group which was "involved in fighting the 
vicious race riots in that State." He invoked tlie iifth iuuondinont and 
other constitutional amendments, however, when asked if he had been 
emplo3^ed by the Progressive Labor Movement at the time he went 
to Monroe. 

Finally, in answer to questions concerning his concept for the tim- 
ing of violent revolution, Lemansky stated that — 

when the times are ripe, meaning that when the governnuMit 
engages in violent repression against people exercising their 

II Coiiiiiiittee information indicates that tliere were no U.S. studcnu in Cuba at the time, other than those 
in the Lomansky-led group. 


riglits, just as the Government does throughout this coun- 
try, then they have every — the people of this country have 
every right to defend themselves. They have every right to 
defend themselves with tlie use of violence. 

Witness Albert Malier, a former Harvard student, denied that he 
had applied for renewal of his passport in March 1963 with the 
intention of using it for travel to Cuba. He acknowledged that he 
was aware of regulations which prohibit travel to Cuba by a U.S. 
citizen unless he bears a passport validated by the Secretary of State 
for travel to that country. He testified that he made no request to 
have his passport validated for such travel and that he recruited 
himself to accompany the group which traveled to Cuba in the sum- 
mer of 1963 in defiance of regulations forbidding such travel. 

When questioned about the financial aspects of the trip, Mr. Maher 
conceded that expenses for the trip were assumed by the Cuban 
Federation of University Students and that each applicant was re- 
quired to deposit $10 vidth his application for travel with the group. 
Upon acceptance, an additional deposit of $100 was required. Mr. 
Maher acknowledged that he paid the required $110, but invoked 
the fifth amendment and other reasons as a basis for refusing to state 
whether or not he had assumed payment of application expenses for 
others in the group. 

The witness vehemently denied that the student group was ex- 
pected by the Cuban Government to disseminate in the United States 
propaganda favorable to the Communist regime in Cuba and Com- 
munist regimes iri other countries in return for favors extended to 
them by Communist Cuba. He conceded, however, that "through- 
out the entire year" since his return from Cuba he had been giving 
speeches and lectiu-es favorable to the Castro regime and had inter- 
viewed students and urged them to make the trip to Cuba, 

In response to questions, Mr. Maher denied being present at the 
meeting at which the film produced by the South Vietnam National 
Liberation Front, showing an American plane being shot down, was 
"cheered" by the American students. He also denied bringing the 
film to the United States, as the Harvard Crimson of November 22, 
1963, reported he had. He acknowledged, however, that he had "done 
everything possible to get this film shown in college campuses and 
in labor union halls and small civic organizations throughout the 
country * * *." When asked how he obtamed possession of the film 
and if he finances its distribution, Mr. Maher declined to testify on 
the basis of the fifth and other constitutional amendm.ents. 

In response to questions pertaining to the Student Committee for 
Travel to Cuba, JVIr. !Maher acknowledged that he is a member of its 
executive board, that he is aware that certain other board m.embers 
are m. embers of the Progi'essive Labor Movement, and that the tele- 
phone number listed by the Student Com.m.ittee is in fact his personal 
telephone num.ber. The organization, he said, received applications 
for the 1964 trip from m.ore than 1,000 students and, of that number, 
more than 400 were mterviewed. 

Although the witness protested that the trip was organized openly 
and publicl}^, he invoked constitutional protection when asked how 
the Cuban Federation of University vStudents contacted his commit- 
tee, how the tickets were purchased, or what arrangem.ents had been 
made with the various aulines for the group's travel to Cuba. 


Committee investigation revealed that Maher and Salvatore Cuc- 
chiari, another member of the Student Conimittee, had engaged in 
what appeared to be deco}^ travel arrangements, designed to conceal 
the actual time and means of departure of the student group. 

In April 19G4, each had made reservations with British Overseas 
Airways Corp. (BO AC) for a group to travel to Georgetown, British 
Guiana, via Port-of-Spain, Trinidad. Maher had made reservations 
for 30 passengers on a July 1 flight, while Cucchiari had sought 
reservations for 16 persons on a May 30 flight, later changing the 
departure date to June 27. The arrangements made for these flights 
were never completed, and none of the 46 persons listed for the BOAC 
flights made the trip to British Guiana as scheduled. However, six 
of the individuals listed in the ]\Iaher group were among the group 
which traveled to Cuba m June. 

Mr. Maher declined to testify when asked if the arrangenaents 
with BOAC were a decoy operation, or if he and other members of 
the executive board of the Student Committee had conferrred regard- 
ing decoy reservations. 

The witness was also questioned about his participation in the 
activities of the May 2nd Committee, an organization formed hi March 
1904 by some of the participants at a conference at Yale University 
sponsored hj the Yale Socialist Union. The conference had been 
attended by representatives from various radical and left-liberal 
gi'oups, including the Conunimist Party, the Socialist Workers Party, 
and the Progressive Labor Movement. 

Asked if the New York group of the May 2nd Committee is con- 
trolled by the Progressive Labor Alovement (whose members have 
been active in its disorderly demonstrations), Maher replied that the 
Ma}^ 2nd Committee was formed at tlie conference at Yale "to stage 
demonstrations around the country protesting the war in Vietnam 
* * *." He conceded that he is a member of the May 2iid Com- 
mittee; that the telephone number of the organization is his personal 
telephone number; that he participated in the August 8 and 15 
demonstrations in New York City sponsored by the organization; 
and that he was arrested for disorderh' conduct during the August 8 
demonstration. He also testified that Bill Epton, one of the speakers 
at a May 2nd Committee deuionstration in New York Cit}' ou ALw 
2, 1964, is chairman of the Progressive Labor Movement in Harlem 
and the same Bill Epton who has been indicted for criminal aiuirchy 
because of his activities during tlie riots whicli rocked Harlem in the 
summer of 19G4 and that he, Alaher, posted the $10,000 bail requh-ed 
for Epton 's release following the PLM leader's arrest at the time 
of the riots. 

Albert Maher was described in a N^ew York Times article of August 
10, 1964, as the "son of a milHonaire Houston industrialist,'' who had 
spoken about "the imperialism of the ruling classes of the United 
States." Asked by the Times reporter "whether he would attacli an 
ideological label to his position, he said: 'I don't mind being called 
a Connnunist, but to me there's a big difference between a Socialist 
and a Communist — a Socialist is not necessarily involved in an active 

"Then which was he? 

" 'A little bit of both, I guess,' he replied." 


It was also reported that "Mr. Maher said that his money came 
from a trust fund * * *. He acknowledged that he had made heavy 
contributions to radical groups here." [Emphasis added.] 

Mr. Maher deoHned to affirm or deny the accuracy of the statements 
regarding financial contributions attributed to him by the Times 
reporter. He also declined to testify when asked if he contributed 
financially to the Progressive Labor Movement or the Student 
Committee for Travel to Cuba. 

Although Maher admitted having told the Times reporter that he 
didn't mind being called a Communist, he denied under oath that 
he is a member of either the Communist Party or the Progressive 
Labor Movement. 

Committee Findings re Student Committee for Travel to 


The Student Committee for Travel to Cuba was organized in 
October 1962 as a front for the ultra-radical Communist organization, 
the Progressive Labor Movement. ^^ At the time of its organization, 
the group called itself the Ad Hoc Student Conuiiittee for Travel to 
Cuba. In December 1962, the name was changed to Permanent 
Student Committee for Travel to Cuba and, later, to Student Com- 
mittee for Travel to Cuba. 

The Student Committee for Travel to Cuba was designed to serve 
as an instrument for undermining the U.S. policy of opposmg and 
isolating the Communist Castro regime in Cuba, enlisting support 
for that regime, disseminating propaganda in behalf of it, and also for 
recruiting young Americans for revolutionary activity within and 
against the United States. 

The formation of a five-member executive committee of the Student 
Committee for Travel to Cuba (SCTC) was announced on September 
16, 1963. The executive committee members were Levi Laub, 
Albert Maher, Ellen Shallit, Roger Taus, and Phillip Luce. 

At that time, Mr. Laub and Miss Shallit were publicly acknowledged 
members of the Progressive Labor Movement. Later, the association 
of Luce and Taus with the Progressive Labor Movement (PLM) 
became a matter of public record. Taus was appointed to the edi- 
torial board of PLM's weekly organ, Challenge, in November 1964. 
The December 1964 issue of PLM's monthly publication. Progressive 
Labor, announced that Luce had "taken the responsibility of editor" 
of that jom-nal. 

The association of four of the five members of the executive com- 
mittee of SCTC with PLM is thus a matter of public record. 

The SCTC trip to Cuba in the summer of 1963 was organized and 
led hj Phillip Luce and acknowledged PLM memxbers, Levi Laub, 
Stefan Martinot, Salvatore Cucchiari, Ellen Shallit, Wendie Naka- 
shima Rosen, Larry Phelps, and Catherine Prensky. Other known 
PLM'ers v/lio made the trip were Victoria Ortiz, Elinor Goldstein, 
John Thomas, and Roger Taus. 

12 The Progressive Labor Movement is an avowedly revolutionary Communist organization with national 
headquarters in New Yorli City. It was founded by individuals who were expelled from the Communist 
Party. U.S.A., in 1961 as a result of their disagreement with the party's strategy and tactics. PLM leaders 
Milt Rosen and Mort Scheer are forraer officials of the New York State Communist Party. The 
militant new Communist organization has ta"ken the side of Peking in the Chinese Communists' dispute 
with the Soviet Communists. (See conunittee's Annual Report Jot the Year 1963 for further details on the 
activities of the Progressive Labor Movement.) 


The trip to Cuba sponsored by SCTC in the summer of 1964 was 
organized principally b}" Phillip Luce and acknowledged PLM mem- 
bers Edward Lemansky, Yvonne Bond, and Morton Slater. Avra 
Matsoukas, of the PLM West Side Club in New York City; Ralph 
William Spinney, PLM leader in Wilhamsport, P;i. ; and Judy Warden, 
a member of the editorial board of the PLM \mhYwdUon, Challenge, 
also went on the trip. Two other SCTC 1964 travelers to Cuba were 
subsequently appouited to posts on the staff of Progressive Labor: 
Anthony Mm-ad became circulation manager of the publication in 
the fall of 1964, and Ed Clark replaced Jacob Rosen as its southern 
editor in December 1964. 

Elev-en leaders of the SCTC were subpenaed to testify before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities in the course of its investiga- 
tion of travel to Cuba by American citizens in defiance of State 
Department regulations. They were Anatol Schlosser, Stefan 
Marlinot, Levi Laub, Wendie Nakashima Rosen, Larry Phelps, 
Catherine Prensky, Phillip A. Luce, Edward Lemanskj^, Yvonne 
Bond, ]\Iorton Slater, and Albert Maher. 

All, with the exception of Mr. Schlosser and Mr. Maher, have 
been publicly acknowledged as members of the Progressive Labor 

The fu-st project of the SCTC (then known as the Ad Hoc Student 
Committee for Travel to Cuba) was the organization of a group to 
visit and tour Cuba on invitation of the Cuban Federation of Uni- 
versity Students during the 1962 Cliristmas holidays. The State 
Department indicated its disapproval of this trip shortly after it was 
announced and refused to validate the passports of those who planned 
to make it. 

The Cuban Federation of University ^Students then arranged to 
have the American students transported to Cuba from Canada on a 
Cuban plane. The Canadian Government refused clearance to the 
Cuban plane, however, and the trip was postponed. 

In late December 1962, a meeting was held in New York City at 
which plans were announced to make a trip to Cuba in July 1963, 
and the name of the organization was changed to Permanent Student 
Connnittee for Travel to Cuba. 

The Student Committee declared its intention to defy State Depart- 
ment travel regulations which forbid travel to Cuba without a specially 
validated passport and "go anyway in tlie belief that the State 
Department cannot deny our right to travel and in the desire to see 
and evaluate for ourselves the situation in Cuba." (Columbia 
Old, Feb. 6, 1963.) 

According to SCTC leaders in tesitmony before this committee and 
in statements to the American press, their purpose in organizing 
illegal trips to Cuba was to "break" the travel ban and to see and 
eviuuate Cuba for themselves. They have accused the Uinted States 
Government and the American press of lying to the American people 
about the situation in Cuba and have proclaimed their intention of 
telling the American people the "truth" about Cuba. 

The SCTC has succeeded in oi-ganizing two illegal trips to Cuba. 
In June 1963, a 59-member delegation departed for Cuba, and in 
June 1964, 84 persons comprised the SCTC group which traveled to 

These trips, arranged and organized by SCTC, were financed by 
the government-controlled Cuban Federation of University Students. 


Apparently, cost was not an object of concern since, in order to 
evade the travel ban, an extremely roundabout route was chosen. 
The group traveled via London, Amsterdam, or Paris to Prague, 
Czechoslovakia. They were then transported from Prague to Havana 
on Cubana airlines. Leaving Cuba, the students were again trans- 
ported to Europe for return to the United States. 

In addition to assuming the cost of transportation and living 
accommodations for the SCTC delegations, the Cuban Federation of 
Universit}^ Students is reported to have supphed each of the visiting 
students with $10 a week spending money durhig their stay in Cuba. 

The SCTC "students" who have made the illegal trip have been 
aware that in doing so they risked possible imprisonment. They have, 
however, been determined to visit Cuba regardless of the conse- 

Inasmuch as SCTC leaders tried to obtain passport validations 
when plans were first made for the abortive holiday trip of 1962, it 
appears that the "travel ban" became an issue only when it became 
an obstacle. 

That the real purpose of the SCTC in organizing trips to Cuba was 
not an honest desire to obtain and convey to the American people the 
"truth about Cuba" is supported by certain statements of SCTC 
leaders and members themselves. For example: 

(1) In testimony before the committee and in interviews with the 
press, the returning students have been lavish with praise for Castro 
and the effects of the revolution on the Cuban people. 

(2) In articles in Progressive Labor the returning students have 
repeatedly stated that the trips to Cuba are important because: 

(a) they lead "directly to the formation" of groups of young 
Americans that "believe in the necessity of the end of U.S. 

(b) they are "useful to the development of a revolutionary 
ideology in the United States"; 

(c) liiie trips bring them into contact with Communists from 
all over the world and "into the beginning of revolutionary activi- 
ties here in the United States" upon their return to this country. 

The above statements were contained in articles by Michael Brown, 
Phillip Luce, and Ed Clark in Progressive Labor, Travel Issue, Decem- 
ber 1964. In addition, Michael Brown writing for the executive board 
of^SCTC, stated: 

For U.S. citizens who travel to Cuba it proves revealing. 
* * * It bares the face of the U.S., to its own citizens, as 
exploiter and imperialist. * * * For a student who sees 
Cuba, it is the end of apathy!! It means more people actively 
vjorking to change the government and society in this country. 
[Emphasis added. 1 

The creation of a vast group of young Americans that 
believe in the necessity of the end of U.S. miperialism is a 
danger and a direct threat to the present American foreign 
policy ^' * *. Such a group would also threaten the present 
American domestic policy * * ^ The May 2nd Move- 
ment is such a group and we believe that the SCTC's trips 


to Cuba along with other elements, leads directly [to] the forma- 
tion oj such groups. [Emphasis added.] 

The students who went to Cuba *  * provided the impetus 
for a student peace organization opposed to this modern 
American variety of coloniahsm. This organization is the 
May 2nd Movement. 

The SCTC is in agreement with the May 2nd Movement 
and many of us, in an attempt to be active poUtically within 
the U.S., now work with May 2nd. Whereas the SCTC 
involves executive functions such as sending the trips 
to Cuba and providing speakers from these trips, the May 
2nd Movement is a mass movement attempting to edu- 
cate and mobiHze thousands of students against U.S. 
foreign poHcy. Thus we feel that an important result oJ the 
trips to Cuba has been the shot of adrenalin given to the organ- 
ization of anti-imperialist protest. [Emphasis added.] 

Phillip Abbott Ijuce assessed travel to the "forbidden lands" as 
"useful to the development of a revolutionary ideology in the United 

The U.S. government is terrified that American young 
people, especially young black people, will see in Cuba and 
China the way to the future. This is the reason for the 
travel ban and it is also the reason that we have conducted 
3^early trips to Cuba and hopefully soon to China. 

Mr. Luce also pointed out that: "Seeing and meeting and discussing 
conditions not onl}^ with the Cuban people but communists from Vene- 
zuela, Brazil, Indonesia, Algeria, China and numerous other coun- 
tries [and] direct involvement with revolutionary socialism in Cuba 
* * * brought most of these middle-class young people into the beginning 
oJ revolutionary activities here in the United States upon our return to 
this country. * * * " [Emphasis added.] 

He boasted that there "is not one member of last year's group * * * 
who is not now engaged in some level of direct conflict with the 
United States government * * *." 

"Trips to Cuba, China, etc., are important," Mr. Luce declared 
because they "cause these young people to take on the existing 
American government in a dramatic straightforward way." Trips to 
"forbidden lands" he said, '^create an organization in ivhich learning is 
combined ivith action." [Emphasis added.] 

Ed Clark, who visited Cuba with the SCTC group in 1964, is 
southern editor of Progressive Labor. He reported that the group 
"saw Cuban and Chinese films, as well as films nuidc by the Viet- 
namese and Venezuelan National Liberation Fronts." lie also re- 
ported that the group had "talked with Communists from every part 
of the globe as well as with mnuy members of the SOO-strong American 
colony ill Cuba. We accumulated tons of books and pamphlets on 
Cuba and Marxism which we brought back witli us." 

Mr. Clark closed his article with a prophesy and a promise. The 
Cuban roNolution he said "will sweep this licmisphore," and then 
stated lliat lie is "honored to be able to work in behalf of Revolution 
in my own country." 





Volume III, 1951-1953 

The third pubHshed volume of the chronology of the World Com- 
munist Movement series traces significant events which occurred 
during the period when the United States Armed Forces, as part of a 
United Nations Command, were engaged in a full-scale war with 
Communist armies in Korea. 

Volumes I and II of the chronology covered major Communist 
developments during the years 1818-1945 and 1946-1950, respec- 
tively. Volume III extends the coverage of international Communist 
activities from 1951 through 1953. Subsequent volumes ^\^ll record 
the movement's highlights from 1954 to the end of 1957. An index to 
the entire chronology will be published by the committee at the 
completion of the series. 

The chairman of the committee, Representative Edwin E. Willis, 
stated in the foreword to Volume III of the chi'onology: 

The facts — what the Communists have been saying and 
doing for the past 100 years — must be readily available to 
our leaders and policymakers, both in and out of Govern- 
ment. This is the basic, minimum knowledge required for 
^^ctory. And this, basically, is why the Committee on 
Un-American Activities has undertaken the publication of 
this chronology of the World Communist Movement. 

In capsule form, as succinctly as possible, it gives the 
needed facts about communism from its beginnings to the 
present time. Past Communist actions and statements 
make clear the goals of communism, its strategy and tactics. 
Past Communist actions and statements are also important 
clues to present and future Communist policy and strategy. 

By recording * * * the major developments of world 
conmiunism over the years in all countries, the chronology 
serves not only as a valuable reference work for Government 
officials and scholars, but also as a reminder to all Americans 
of the truths about communism which we cannot afford to 
forget. It puts the development of communism into his- 
torical perspective and, through simply presented, incon- 
testable facts, drives home — even to the more or less casual 
reader of its pages — the seriousness of the Communist 

danger. * * * 



The chronology on communism records the advances and setbacks 
of numerous Communist parties operating both \\'ithin and outside 
the Sino-Soviet bloc, discloses their fluctuating membership figures, 
and exposes their changing strategy and tactics. 

One of the most important events which occmTed during the years 
1951-1953 was the intensification of the Communists' world\\'ide 
"peace" propaganda campaign, a program specifically designed to 
weaken and disarm the United States and other major powers of the 
free world. The chronology discloses that Communists everywhere 
were promoting this campaign at the very time they were supporting 
the Chinese and North Korean Communists who, despite their peace 
slogans, were committing armed aggression in Korea. 

An April 3, 1953, statement b}^ the late Secretary of State John 
Foster Dulles, recorded in the chronology, expressed skepticism over 
the So\net "peace" offensive. He said at the time: "Nothing that 
has happened, or which seems to me likely to happen, has changed 
the basic situation of danger in which we stand." Mr. Dulles cited 
three "basic facts" concerning the Soviet Union which had not changed 
during the "peace" diive: (1) Russia was still "a heavily armed 
totalitarian state" under the dictatorship of "a small group" that 
controlled "% of the people [and] the natm^al resources of the world"; 
(2) the Soviet leaders remained basically hostile to other countries 
which had not accepted the Soviet system of control; and (3) the 
Russian leaders "do not recognize any moral inhibitions against the 
use of violence." 

The chronology refers to other instances in which Communists 
have resorted to force and violence in an effort to attain their revolu- 
tionary goals. Communist guerrillas continued to plague Indo-China 
and the Philippine Islands. The Chinese Nationalists reported in 
May 1951 that the Chinese Communists on the mainland had executed 
2,260,000 persons. Of these executions 1,300,000 were confirmed by 
the Chinese Communists themselves. 

Events documented in the study demonstrate that the Communist 
Party, U.S.A. (CPUSA), is a subversive organization operating as 
part and parcel of the World Communist Movement. On April 20, 
1953, the Subversive Activities Control Board (SACB) found the 
CPUSA to be a Communist-action organization within the meaning 
of the Internal Securitv Act of 1950 and ordered it to register as such 
with the U.S. Attorney' General. The Board declared that the CPUSA 
functions primarily to advance the objectives of the international 
Communist movement and found it to be "substantially directed, 
dominated, and controlled by the Soviet Union." It also said that 
the CPUSA was dedicated to the "establishment of a dictatorship of 
the proletariat in the United States, a goal which would rob the 
American people of tlie freedoms they have forged." 

In addition to the CPUSA case, the U.S. Attorney General peti- 
tioned the SACvB for an order requiring certain groups to register 
under the Internal Security Act as Communist-front organizations. 
The conviction of "second string" CPUSA leaders for conspiracy to 
violate Smith Act provisions against forceful overtin-ow of the Gov- 
ernment was another example of this country's (U^termination to 
meet the threat of Soviet communism from within. In August 1953, 
tlie U.S. Attorney General stated that since the Smith Act trials 


started the party had become better organized and more difhculL to 

The chronology makes reference to the testimony of FBI Director 
J. Edgar Hoover before a Senate Subcommittee on Appropriations 
in March 1951. Mr. Hoover warned that the CPUSA was dedicated 
to sabotage and to mihtant revolt against our Nation "if and when 
the time comes." In testifying 2 years later, Mr. Hoover stated 
that the operations of the party had been completely decentralized 
and tiiat it had gone miderground. Numerous OPUSA district head- 
quarters had been abolished and the party had been reorganized 
into small cells of not more than five members each. Mr. Hoover 
also disclosed that Communist fronts, however, continued to operate 
in practically all fields. 

During the period covered by the third volume of the chronology, 
there were numerous disclosures of Soviet espionage activities in the 
United States, including the well-publicized case of Ethel and Julius 
Rosenberg, w^ho w^ere executed in June 1953 for conspiring to transmit 
atomic secrets to the Soviet Union. Communists throughout the 
world conducted a mammoth propaganda campaign which was de- 
signed to cover up the crime and exploit the Rosenberg case for the 
purposes of advancing the cause of international communism. 

A report released by the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 
in August 1953 revealed that Soviet agents had penetrated the 
Federal Government during the 1930's and 1940's "from the lower 
ranks to top-level policy and operating positions" and had stolen 
"thousands of diplomatic, political, military, scientific, and economic 
secrets * * *." The late Elizabeth Bentley, a former Communist 
courier, told the Senate subcommittee in 1952 that two Communist 
espionage groups were probably still functioning in the Government 
at the time. Miss Bentley testified that she had known of the 
existence of four cells. Only two of them had then been exposed. 

The espionage activities of William W. Remington, Nathan Gregory 
Silvermaster, Lauchlin Currie, and Harry Dexter White while 
Government employees are also recorded in the chronology. 

The study notes that the Committee on Un-American Activities 
and other congressional committees conducted numerous investiga- 
tions and hearings on various phases of Communist infiltration in 
American society. In March 1951, the study notes, this committee 
had released a documented reference volume entitled Guide to Sub- 
versive Organizations and Publications, which contained a compilation 
of 624 organizations and 204 pubhcations which had been declared 
Communist-front or Communist-action enterprises in official state- 
ments by congressional and executive authorities and by various State 
and Territorial investigating commxittees. 

The chronology and index were prepared by Dr. Joseph G. Whelan, 
analyst of Soviet and East European AiTairs, Foreign Affairs Division, 
Legislative Reference Service, Library of Congress, in consultation 
with Dr. Sergius Yakobson, senior specialist in Russian Affairs of the 
Library's Legislative Reference Service, and with the research staff 
of the Committee on Un-American Activities. 

53-323—05 6 


Members of Congress and representatives of investigative agencies 
in the executive branch of the Government continued in 1964 to make 
use of the Lirge collection of public material on subversive activities 
which the committee has acquired over the period of many years. 

The committee received almost 2,300 requests from Members of 
Congress soliciting information on an approximate total of 4,200 
individuals and 2,500 organizations or publications. In compliance 
with House rules granting Members of Congress access to committee 
records, the staff" prepared some 2,400 \\Titten reports in reply to these 
requests. The committee pursued its customary policy of confining 
such reports to that information which is contained in pubUcly avail- 
able sources only. 

In addition, the committee recorded 2,300 visits in the past year 
from representatives of 25 offices in the executive arm of the Govern- 
ment. Many of these visits involved a full day of inspection of the 
committee's files. The committee's collection of mateiial from publicly 
available sources has for many years been made available to executive 
agencies engaged in security work. However, the conunittee's limited 
staff and working space has made it necessary to restrict the number 
of agency representatives reviewing committee materials at any one 
time. Statistics with respect to the use of committee files by executive 
emploj^ees, therefore, do not indicate the true extent of demands for 
information from the executive branch of the Government. 

The committee's public fdes are composed of printed material from 
such sources as hearings and reports of this committee and other 
official governmental investigating agencies; general reference books; 
and innumerable periodicals, newspapers, pamphlets, letterheads, and 
leaflets issued by organizations which have been found to be subversive 
by Federal authorities. 

This material also is utilized constantly by the committee's own 
staff members throughout the year. The committee's Files and 
Reference Section, for example, haiuUed nuu-e than 2,000 requests for 
information during the past year from other sections of the committee 
staff and prepared a total of 11,300 reproductions of materials from 
these files for use in connection with committee investigations and 

As indicated in the foreword to tliis Annual Report, the U.S. Court 
of Appeals has commented favorably on the conunittee's reference 
service for Members of Congress, citing it as evidence of its effort to 
assist tlie legislative process by keeping the Congress informed as to 
the Comnumist conspiracy. 




YEAR 1964 

At the beginning of 1964, the committee had on hand 184,500 copies 
of publications printed prior to that year. During 1964, the com- 
mittee received 89,000 reprints of publications released in previous 
vears, plus 10,000 reprints of World Communist Movement, Volume 
III (released in 1964). 

In addition, 51,050 copies of hearings and reports held in 1963 but 
not printed and released until 1964 were received, as well as 22,025 
copies of publications printed and released in 1964. The committee 
thus had a total of 369,475 copies of hearings and reports on hand for 
distribution in 1964. While this quantity appears large, the demand 
for committee publications is extremely heavy, and it is necessary to 
keep considerable numbers on hand at all times to fill the continuing 
requests received from Members of Congress, religious and educational 
institutions, civic, patriotic, veterans', and other groups. 

During the year 1964, the committee distributed 206,480 copies of 
the above total to JNTembers of Congress, governmental agencies, and 
to private individuals and organizations. 

Following is a list of publications released by the committee during 
the second session of the S8th Congress: 


Hearings Relating to H.R. 352, H.R. 1617, H.R. 5368, H.R. 8320 
H.R. 8767, H.R^. 10036, H.R. 10037, H.R. 10077, and H.R. 11718, 
Providing for Creation of a Freedom Commission and Freedom 
Academv, Part 1, Februarv 18 and 19, 1964. 

Hearings Relating to H.R. 352, H.R. 1617, H.R. 5368, H.R. 8320, 
H.R.^8757, H.R. 10036, H.R. 10037, H.R. 10077, and H.R. 11718, 
Providing for Creation of a Freedom Comm.ission and Freedom 
Academv, Part 2, February- 20, April 7 and 8, and May 19 and 20, 

Communist Activities in the Buffalo, N.Y., Area, April 29 and 30, 1964. 

Communist Activities in the Minneapolis, Minn., Area, June 24, 25, 
and 26, 1964. 

Testim.ony of Rev. James H. Robinson, May 5, 1964. 

Violations of State Department Travel Regulations and Pro-Castro 
Propaganda Activities in the United States, Part 5, Sept. 3, 4, 
and 28, 1964. 


World Communist Movement: Selective Chronology 1818-1957, 

Volume III, 1951-1953. 
Annual Report for the Year 1964. 

' The hearings hsted in this section include only the committee's public hearings. In addition to these 
published hearings, the committee held 20 sessions of executive hearings which have not been released. 
In these hearings it received 1,47.5 pages of testimony from 31 witnesses, 7 of whom were also heard in public 




New Citations 

On December 10, 1964, the committee, in accordance with the pro- 
visions of United States Code, Title 2, section 194, providing the pro- 
cedure for bringing congressional contempts to the attention of the 
executive brancli for prosecution, reported to the Speaker of the House, 
which was then in adjournment sine die, the refusals of three witnesses 
to testify before a subcommittee. 

These contempts were committed on December 7, 1964, in an execu- 
tive session, which was the tenth of a series of hearings which hiul been 
authorized by the committee on February 19, 1964, on the security as- 
pects of the temporary admission into the United States of aliens who 
are inadmissible under certain provisions of the Immigration and Na- 
tionalit}" Act. 

Because of the nature of the subject matter and the involvement of 
certain executive agencies in the administration of the act, the com- 
mittee preliminarily determined, under the applicable rules of the 
House and of the coinmittee, that these hearings should be held in 
executive session, final determination resting, by rules and practice, 
witli the subcommittee appointed by the chairman to conduct these 

The subcommittee held nine such executive sessions from March 12 
to September 9, 1964, in which were heard a number of witnesses from 
an executive department. 

Pm-suant to subpenas, Russell A. Nixon, Dagmar Wilson, and Donna 
Allen appeared before the subcommittee in Washington, D.C., on 
December 7, 1964, at an executive session. Nixon protested that the 
hearing was in an executive session and refused to be sworn to testify. 
Mrs. Wilson v/as sworn before the subcommittee, but refused to answer 
a pertinent Cj[uestion put to her b}- the subcommittee and made a 
blanket refusal to answer any questions to be put to her by the 
subcommittee, also protesting the executive session. Mrs. Allen took 
an affirmation before the su]>commiltee, refused to give her name and 
address or to answer any questions of the subcommittee, again in 
protest to the executive session. Mrs. Wilson and Mrs. Allen were 
represented by counsel. Nixon stated that he did not desu-e counsel. 

The subcommittee heard at length the objections of the witnesses 
to being heard in executive session and ex])iaincd to the witnesses 
and counsel the reasons therefor. After consultation with the office 
of the Parliamentarian, tlie subcommittee overruled the objections of 
the witnesses to being heard in executive session and made final 
demand for them to comply. The witnesses persisted in their refusals, 
and the matter was reported bj^ the subcommittee to the full commit- 



tee, which unanimously voted on December 10, 1964, to report these 
refusals to the Speaker of the House. 

The committee report and recommendation was made to the Speaker 
on December 11, 1964. That same day, the Speaker certified these 
contempts of the House to the United States Attorney for the District 
of Columbia, pursuant to statute (2 U.S.C. § 194). 

On December 30, 1964. the grand jury in the United States District 
Com-t for the District of Columbia, indicted Nixon, Mrs. Wilson, and 
Mrs. Allen for these contempts of Congress in violation of section 192 
of Title 2 of the United States Code. 

Prior to the filing of this Annual Report for the Year 1964, the District 
Court, on February 26, 1965, in disposing of defense motions to dismiss 
the indictments of these witnesses, ruled that the subject of the 
inquiry was within the jurisdiction of the committee; that the com- 
mittee and the subcommittee had authority under House and com- 
mittee rides to hold executive sessions on the subject under inquiry; 
that the Speaker acted in conformity with the statute (2 U.S.C. § 194) 
in certifjang the contempts to the United States attorney; that the 
committee may constitutionallj'- compel \\dtnesses to give testimon}^- 
and, finally, that the indictments were properly drawn to charge 
oft'enses within the contempt of Congress statute. 

Previous Citations 

The contempt indictment against Robert Lehrer in the U.S. District 
Com-t in Hammond, Ind., which had been under consideration for 
dismissal since the reversal of the conviction of Edward Yellin in the 
Supreme Court on June 17, 1963,^ was dismissed by the court on 
Lehrer's motion on February 12, 1964. Lehrer, together with Yellin, 
Victor Malis, and Alfred James Samter, had refused to answer ques- 
tions of a subcommittee of this committee in Gary, Ind., in February 
1958, at pubhc hearings on the subject of Communist Part}' activities 
in basic industry, particularly colonization in the steel industry. 

In reversing Yellin's conviction, the Supreme Court considered 
former committee Rule IV ^ which required that a witness be first 
interrogated in executive session if a majority of the committee or 
subcommittee ''believes" that public interrogation "might endanger 
national security or unjustly injure his reputation, or the reputation of 
other individuals." 

Prior to his appearance before the subcommdttee, Yellin had 
requested an executive session by a telegram addressed to the com- 
mittee's general counsel at Washhigton, after the subcommittee and 
the general counsel had already left Washington for the hearings in 
Gary. It was answered in the negati^-e by the staff director in Wash- 
inton. The Court held that the committee must consider whether, 
under Rule JV, the ^\'itness' reputation w^ould be "unjustly injured" 
when it made its initial determination to call him in public session 
and, also, upon any ex-press request for an executive session. Although 

1 374 U.S. 109. 

2 Committee Rule IV was changed in 1961, making danger to national security the only criterion requir- 
ing e.xecutive session under committee rules. House Rule XI, 26(nO, however, is stiU iu effect and is similar 
in some respects to the old committee Rule IV. 


Lehrer did not request to be heard in an exeontive session, the in- 
dictment against him was dismissed under the first part of the ruhng 
of the Supreme Court in Yellin's case. 

Also because of the Supreme Court's ruhng in the "i elhn case, the 
indictment against Sidney Tnrojf was dismissed by the court on motion 
of the government on December 22, 1964, in the U.S. District Court 
in Buffalo, N.Y. Turoff had refused to answer questions of a sub- 
conunittee at a public hearing on Communist Party actiWties in 
the Buffalo area on October 1, 1957, arid had not requested to be 
heard in executive session. Prosecution of this case had previously 
been held up awaiting decisions of relevant cases in the appellate 

Indictments against Frank (jrumman and Bernard Silber were tried 
in the U.S. District Court in the District of Columbia in November 
1963, charging them with refusals to answer questions of a subcom- 
mittee holding public sessions in Wasliington, D.C., in 1957, inquiring 
into Communist Party infiltration into the communications inclustry. 
Grumman and Silber were members of a Communist-dominated 
union called the American Communications Association, Grumman 
being employed by Western Union and Silber by RCA Communica- 
tions, Inc. Silber had requested to be heard in executive session, but 
Grumman had not. On March 6, 1964, the trial court acquitted 
Grumman and Silber because it found that the committee had not 
given the requisite consideration to hearing them in executive sessions 
under former Rule IV as interpreted by the Yellin case. 

Norton Anthony Russell was tried in the U.S. District Court for the 
Distiict of Colimibia for refusing to answer questions about himself 
and others in hearings on Communist Party activities in tlie Dayton- 
Yellow Springs, Ohio, area, held in Washington in November 1955. 
Russell was not present at the commencement of the hearings when 
the subcommittee chairman made his opening statement giving the 
subject matter of the investigation. The trial court directed a verdict 
of acquittal for Russell on jSIarch G, 1964, holding that it had not been 
shown that Russell was aware of the subject under inquiry. Russell 
had not objected before the committee, and had not made any part of 
his refusals to answer the questions, that he was unaware of the subject 
of the inquiry, nor had he objected to tlie pertinency of the questions 
asked him. The court relied upon the case of Goldie Watson v. U.S.,^ 
in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columl)ia, whicli 
required proof of awareness of the subject of inquiry even to a witness 
not claiming lack of such awareness. The Watson case and now the 
Russell decision go beyond the Wat kins case ^ which held: 

Unless the subject matter has been made to appear with 
undisputable clarity, it is the duty of the investigative body, 
upon objection, of the iritness on grounds of pertinency, to state 
for the record the subject under inquir}^ at that tune and 
the manner in which the propounded questions are perthient 
thereto. [Emphasis added.] 

This rule from tlie Watson and Russell cases, that all witnesses must 
l)e ai)])rised of the subject of iiujiiiry, must now be regarded as a funda- 
mental requirement of hearing procedure. 

' 280 V. 2d two (1960). 
<354 U.S. 178 (1957). 


The conviction of Martin Popper had been reversed by the U.S. 
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia on July 5, 1962, for 
failure of the indictment to allege the subject under inquiry as re- 
quired by the Supreme Court in the Russell case.^ In 1964 it was 
determined by the Government in considering reindictment of Popper 
that the requirements of later appellate decisions could not be met, and 
consequently prosecution of Popper was dropped. Considered con- 
trolling wxre the Yelhn case interpretation of former committee Rule 
IV, requiring committee consideration of executive sessions even 
when not requested by the witness, and the Shelton case,^ holding that 
subpenas ma}^ be issued but not authorized by the chairman of the 
committee. Popper, one of the founders of the National Lawyers 
Guild, had refused to answer questions as to his Communist Party 
membership at times when he applied for and traveled under United 
States passports at hearings before a subcommittee investigating pass- 
port security and travel control. 

The dismissals and acquittals of the contempt cases noted above 
were all based upon court decisions announcing new rulings on con- 
gressional committee procedures decided after the particular hearings 
involved were held. 

The indictment against Harvey O'Connor for refusing to respond to 
a subpena of the committee to attend a hearing in Newark, N.J., 
September 5, 1958, on the subject of Communist Party activities in the 
Newark, N.J., area, was pending in the U.S. District Court in Newark, 

at year end. 


John T. Go jack, an international vice president of the Com- 
munist-controlled United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers 
of America, who had refused to answer cjuestions of a subcommittee 
conducting hearings on Communist Party infiltration in labor in 
February and March 1955, had been convicted in the United States 
District Court for the District of Columbia on December 13, 1963. 
He was sentenced to 3 months in prison and a $200 fine. Gojack's 
appeal to the U.S. Circuit Court was argued on December 10, 1964, 
and had not been decided at year end. Go jack relied principally on 
the contention that questions of the subcommittee about his Commu- 
nist Party activities in the field of labor violated his first amendment 

As regards this claim, the Supreme Court has already handed down 
a decision which may determine the outcome of Gojack's appeal. 

In the case of Lloyd Barenblatt,^ a college professor who refused to 
answer questions about his Communist Party activities in the field of 
education, relying upon the first amendment, the Supreme Court held 
that the House Committee on Un-American Activities in conducting 
an investigation into Communist Party activities may constitutionally 
compel the giving of such testimony in the field of education over a 
claim of first amendment rights. In sweepmg language the Court 
asserted the power of Congress to inform itself in the field of sub- 
versive activities, recognized the validity of the assignment of this 
function to this committee, and upheld the right of the committee 

5 369 U.S. 749 (1962). 

6 327 F. 2d 601 (CCADC, 1963) 
? 360 U.S. 109 (1959). 


to compel testimony against claimed constitutional rights save only 
those against self-incrimination. The Court said : 

The Rule [creating the Committee] comes to us with a 
"persuasive gloss of legislative history," United States v. 
Witkouich, 353 U.S. 194, 199, which shows beyond doubt 
that in pursuance of its legislative concerns in the domain 
of "national security" the House has clothed the Un-Ameri- 
can Activities Committee with pervasive authority to 
investigate Communist activities in this country. 

:(■ 4c  * * 

In light of this long and illuminating history it can hardly 
be seriously argued that the investigation of Communist 
activities generally, and the attendant use of compulsory 
process, was beyond the purview of the Committee's in- 
tended authority under Rule XL 


The Court's past cases establish sure guides to decision. 
Undeniably, tlie First Amendment in some circumstances 
protects an individual from being compelled to disclose his 
associatioiial relationships. However, the protections of the 
First Amendment, unlike a proper claim of the privilege 
against self-incrimination under the Fifth Amendment, do 
not afford a witness the right to resist inquiry in all circum- 
stances. Where First Amendment rights are asserted to 
bar governmental interrogation resolution of tlie issue always 
involves a balancing by the courts of the competing private 
and public interests at stake in the particular circumstances 
shown. These principles were recognized in the Watkins 
case, where, in speaking of the Fh'st Amendment in relation 
to congressional inquiries, we said (at p. 198) : "It is manifest 
that despite the adverse effects which follow upon compelled 
disclosure of private matters, not all such inquiries are 
barred. . . . The critical element is the existence of, and 
the weight to be ascribed t(», the interest of the Congress in 
demanding disclosures from an imwilling witness." 


That Congress has wide power to legislate in the field of 
Communist activity in this Country, ajid to conduct ap])ro- 
priate investigations in aid thereof, is hardly debatable. 
The existence of such power has never ])een questioned by 
this Court, and it is sufhcient to say, without ])arti('ulariza- 
tion, that Congress has enacted or considered in this field a 
wide range of legislative measures, not a few of which have 
stejumed from recommenchitions of the very Committee 
whose actions have been drawn i]i question here. In the 
last analysis this power rests on the right of self-preservation, 
"the ultimate value of any society," Demiis v. United States, 
341 U.S. 494, 509. * * * 



It is recommended that legislation be adopted to make punishable 
as a Federal offense the unlawful killing of the President or Vice 
President of the United States. 

Title 18, United States Code, sections 1111, 1112, and 1113, respec- 
tiveh', make murder, manslaughter, the attempt to commit murder 
or manslaughter, Federal crimes only when committed within "the spe- 
cial maritime and territorial jurisdiction of the United States." This 
special jurisdiction is defined in section 7 of Title 18, United States 
Code, and generally includes the waters within the admiralty and 
maritime jurisdiction of the United States (high seas and navigable 
waters) and lands reserved or acquired for the use of the United States 
and under its exclusive or concurrent jurisdiction. 

Murder or manslaughter of the President or Vice President — 
or an}^ other person — would also be punishable under Federal law 
if committed while aboard an aircraft in flight in interstate or foreign 
commerce (49 U.S.C, sec. 1472 (k)). 

In addition, WTecking a train, or its facilities and appurtenances 
used in interstate or foreign commerce, resulting in the death of any 
person (including, of course, the President or Vice President) is a 
Federal offense punishable under section 1991, 18 United States Code. 

Apart from these statutes, the onl}^ provision of law making murder 
or manslaughter committed within the jmisdiction of anjr State pun- 
ishable as a Federal crime is section 1114 of Title 18, U.S.C. This 
section, however, is limited to the killing of certain officers and em- 
ployees of the United States, principally Federal law enforcement 
officers, while engaged in the performance of official duties or on ac- 
count of the performance of official duties. It applies only to categories 
of employees specifically listed in the section, such as: Federal judges, 
U.S. attorneys, marshals and deputy marshals, employees of the FBI, 
Justice Department, Secret Service, Narcotics and Customs Bureaus, 
Internal Revenue and National Park Services, postal inspectors, im- 
migration officers. Coast Guardsmen, and persons carrying out certain 
assio-nments for the Agricultiu-e and Interior Departments or the 
National Aeronautics and Space Administration. 

The committee believes it a matter of importance to the national 
security that the unlawful killing of the President or Vice President 
be made punishable as a Federal offense, even though such act is com- 
mitted within the jurisdiction of one of the States. Certainly, from 
the constitutional and various other viewpoints, the President and 
Vice President are more important personages than the Federal officers 
listed in section 1114, Title 18, mentioned above, and their deaths have 
far greater impact on the national securitv and welfare. The reasons 



which support section 1114, therefore, sustain the present recom- 

Additional reasons are suggested by the facts concerning the 
assassination of President Kennedy on November 22, 1963. A self- 
confessed Marxist, Lee Harvey Oswald, was accused of the assassi- 
nation. The murder of Oswald b}^ Jack L. Ruby, 2 days later, ob- 
viated trial of the accused assassin. President Johnson, therefore, 
appointed The President's Commission on the Assassination of 
President Jolm F. Kennedy (the Warren Commission) "to ascertain, 
evaluate and report upon the facts relating to the assassination of 
the late President John F. Kennedy and the subsequent violent death 
of the man charged with the assassination." (Executive Order 1 1130, 
November 29, 1963) 

The President's Commission issued its report on September 24, 
1964. It fomid, among other things, that: 

The shots which killed President Kennedy * * * were 
fired by Lee Harvey Oswald.^ 

The Commission stated it could not make any "definitive deter- 
mination" of Oswald's motives in killhig President Kennedy. It did, 
however, mention a number of factors which might have influenced 
his decision to do so. One of these factors was: 

His avowed commitment to Marxism and communism, as 
he understood the terms and developed his own interpretation 
of them; this was expressed by his antagonism toward the 
L'nited States, by his defection to the Soviet Union, by his 
failure to be reconciled with hfe in the United States even 
after his disenchantment with the Soviet L'nion, and by his 
efforts, though frustrated, to go to Cuba.- 

Is there a valid basis for the Warren Commission's determination 
that Oswald's commitment to Marxism and communism might have 
influenced his decision to assassinate President Kennedy? 

Certain findings about the Communist movement and the teachings 
of its leaders who are revered by Communists the world over are 
relevant to this question. The}' indicate that, coupled with the factual 
e\'idence developed about Oswald's Comnumist ties, there was good 
reason for the Cojumission's finding. According to the precepts and 
dogma of communism, "peace-loving socialist" (i.e.. Communist) 
forces are waging an irreconcilable struggle against "iuiperialist 
capitalists" led by the L'nited States. Communists are taught that 
they jnust work for the destruction of all non-Conununist governments 
and that victory will surely be theirs because the so-called laws of 
history make a Communist world society absolutely inevitable. 

The Congress has found: 

There exists a world Communist movement which, in its 
origins, its development, antl its present practice, is a world- 
wide revolutionary movement whose purpose it is, by 
treachery, deceit, infiltration into other groups (govern- 
mental and otherwise), espionage, sabotage, terrorism, and 
any other means deemed necessary, to establish a Comnmnist 

' Report of The Pregidenl's Commission on the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy, U.S. Govern- 
ment I'riiUins OlTice, 1964, p. 19. 
■' Id., at -IZ. 


totalitarian dictatorship in the countries throughout the 
world through the medium of a world-wide Comnmnist 
organization.^ [Emphasis added.] 

This finding has been upheld by the Supreme Court.* The Supreme 
Court has also upheld the finding of the Subversive Activities Control 
Board that within the United States, the world Communist movement 
is spearheaded by the Comnmnist Party of the United States, a group 
operating under the control of the Soviet Union.^ 

Other Communist groups of notable strength in the United States, 
generally described as Marxist-Leninist or Marxist (and usually having 
international ties), although following independent disciplines, are 
dedicated to the same basic views and objectives and often operate in 
concert with the Communist Party. 

The objective of all these groups is the overthrow of the United 
States Government with a view toward supplanting it with a Soviet- 
style or "proletarian" dictatorship. Together they swell the tide of 
activit}' directed toward this end. The basic doctrines of these groups 
teach violence, revolutionary action, and involve the adherents in an 
emotional atmosphere of fixed, intense hatred of non-Communist gov- 
ernments and those who constitute their leadership. Tons of propa- 
ganda to this effect are disseminated among their members, and 
among non-Comnmnists in the United States as well, by these groups. 
Such propaganda is also distributed outside the United States — by 
agencies of the Soviet Union, Red China, Cuba and by numerous 
Communist parties and groups throughout the world. 

The fact that a Presidential Commission has found that an admitted 
Marxist with a variety of Commmiist associations and ties assassinated 
President Kennedy created a deep stir and frantic reaction within the 
Commmiist movement. Leaders of Communist groups hastened to 
disassociate themselves from the actions of Oswald and were quick 
to claim that Marx and Lenin — and they themselves — rejected 
"such acts of \'iolence and terror." Even today, the So^det Union 
and the U.S. Communist Party persist in promoting the claim that 
the President was assassinated by some as yet undiscovered "rightist" 
or that Oswald was "an informer and provocateur for the FBI or 
some other intelligence agency of the U.S. Government."^ 

The fact of the matter is that Lenin admonished all Communists: 

We have never rejected terror on principle, nor can we do so.^ 

Lenin made this statement in May 1901, in the course of criticizing 
certain Russian Communist revolutionaries who had supported recent 
attempts on the life of a Tsarist government official and a church 
dignitary and who were forecasting a reign of "Red terror." He 
made it clear in his criticism, however, that his objections to assassina- 
tions were based on his opinion that they were "inopportune and in- 
expedient" under "present circumstances." Successful overthrow 
of the Tsarist government, Lenin stated, depended upon the creation 
of a "central revolutionary organisation" to lead the discontented 
masses. "Departm-e of the most energetic revolutionaries to take up 

^ Internal Security Act of 1950, sec. 2(1). 

* Communist Part); o/the United Slates v. Subversive Activities Control. Board, 367 U.S. 1 (1961). 
i Ibid. 

« Herbert Aptheker, leading U.S. Communist Party theoretician, writing in the party's monthly, Political 
Affairs, February 1964, p. 52. 
^ Lenin, "Where To Begin?" Selected Works, (New York: International Publishers, 1943), vol. II. 


the work of terror," he pointed out, would impede efforts to establish 
such an organization. He went on to say: 

Terror is a form of military operation that msiy be usefully 
applied, or may even be essential in certain moments of the 
battle, under certain conditions * * * We would not for one 
moment assert that indimdiml strokes of heroism are of no 
importance at all. But it is our duty to utter a strong warn- 
ing against devoting all attention to terror, against regard- 
ing it as the principal method of struggle, as so many at the 
present time are inclined to do. [Emphasis added.] '^ 

Fifteen years later, on October 25, 1916, in commenting on the 
assassination of the Austrian Prime Minister by the Austrian Socialist, 
Friedrich Adler, Lenin was much more specific in stating the Com- 
munist view of political assassinations: 

As for the political evaluation of the act [that is, the 
assassination], we, of course, remain in our old conviction, 
confirmed by the experience of a decade, that individual 
terroristic acts are a purposeless form of political struggle.^ 

Lenin once again took pains, however, to show that he was not 
against assassination, per se: 

"Killing is no murder," wrote our old Iskra ^^ about as- 
sassinations. We are not at all against politicsd murders * * * 
but from the point of view of revolutionary tactics, indi- 
vidual acts are purposeless and harmful. * * * Only in 
direct, immediate connection with a mass movement could 
or should indi\-idual terrorist acts be of use. * * * [Empha- 
sis Lenin's.] 

* * * It would have been good if there had been found som.e 
leftist group which Vvould have published in ^'ienna a broad- 
side * * * which would have justified Adler's act morally 
(killing is no murder), but which would have explained to 
the workers that it is not terrorism that is needed but a sa's- 
tematic, continuous, self-sacrificing work of revolutionary 
propaganda, agitation, etc. * * * " 

What is the real Communist view of assassinations? 

"Killing is no murder * * *. We are not at all against political 

What really mattered to Lenin — and matters to Communists today? 
It is the "political evaluation of the act." That is what counts — the 
Commmiist evaluation of whetlier or not the assassuiation is useful 
to their cause. 

When J^enin wrote "Where To Begin?" he was mainly concerned 
with the lack of a "central revolutionary organisation" (i.e. Comiini- 
nist Party) in Russia to exploit the unrest whicli had been manifested 
in recent student demonstrations in tliat country. Under the pre- 
\ailing circumstances, lie considered uuli\iilual acts of terror di\er- 
sionary, "inopportune and inexpedient." But he clearly implied that 

s Ibid. 

• Lenin. I.ellcr to Franz Korilsclioncr. Snchineniva (Works) (3d cd.; Moscow: rartilnoe Izdatelstvo 
(Party I'iil)lisliintr llou.-ioVt, vol. XXIX (1933), pp. 311-313. 

'" A ncwspaiKT which was esiablislied by Ix'nin and his friends in Gi-rmany in 1900 and illegally di.'» 
trihiitod wiiliin Riis-sia. 

" Lenin, letter to Franz Korltschoner, op. cit. 


under different conditions they would be important "individual 
strokes of heroism." 

Moreover, since Lenin's time, the Communists have made it clear 
that their ''political evaluation of the act" is such that they do not 
Hmit Jvcnhi's princi))le concernhig- the utility of assassinations to 
the conditions prescribed in a general way hi "Where To Begin?" 

Was the assassination of President Keimedy, in fact, an expedient, 
useful act from the Communist viewpoint? We can hardly expect to 
learn the answer to this question from the only persons in position to 
really know the truth, the leaders of the principal Communist camps. 
We have seen conflicting public reactions: open jubilation in Peking 
and professed regret in Moscow, coupled with a sustained, highly 
organized propaganda campaign to gloss over Oswald's Communist 
ties and place the blame for the assassination on "rightists." 

W^hether or not Peking or Moscow desired the assassination of 
President Kennedy, it is clear that Communist adherents, in whom 
ideas of violence, disloyalty, and hatred are daily inculcated by the 
propaganda organs of the Communist movement and the statem.ents 
of its leaders, cannot be expected always to understand or act upon 
the refinements of Communist dogma or directives or judgments, as 
to the expediency of a particular act at any given moment. Because 
hate is so large an element in Communist doctrine and propaganda, it 
is reasonable to conclude that Oswald's close association with the 
Communist movement and reading of its basic works and propaganda 
organs marked^ uifluenced his thinking and conduct. Oswald was 
involved m the U.S. Communist agitation-propaganda effort, leading 
the attempted organization of a Fair Play for Cuba Committee chapter 
in New Orleans — and the Communist propaganda he read portrayed 
the President as the leader of that government deemed by Communists 
to be their principal enemy. ^^ 

12 On September 9, 1963, just a few months before the assassniation of President Kennedy, the Miami 
Herald published the following dispatch from Havana, Cuba, which, in the light of subserjuent events, 
assumes great significance, particularly in view of Oswald's role in the Fair Play for Cuba Committee: 

"11 AVANA.— Prime Minister Fidel Castro said Sunday 'U.S. leaders' would be in danger if they helped 
in any attempt to do away with leaders of Culia. 

"Bitterly denouncing what he called recent U.S. promoted raids on Cuban territory, Castro said: 

" 'We are prepared to fight them and answer in kind. U.S. leaders should think that if they are aiding 
terrorist plans to eliminate Cuban leaders, they themselves will not be safe.' 

"The bitterest Castro attack yet on President Kennedy was made early Sunday morning in a rambling, 
informal post-midnight dissertation following a reception at the Brazilian embassy. 

" 'Kennedy is the Batista of his times . . . and the most opportunistic American President of all times,' 
Castro said. 

"Fulgencio Batista was the Cuban dictator ousted by Castro's revolution. 

"The United States, Castro said, 'is fighting a battle against us they cannot win.' 

" 'Kennedy is a cretin,' Castro asserted, 'and a member of an oligarchic family that controls several 
Important posts in the government. For instance, one brother is a senator and another, attorney general 
. . . and there are no more Kennedy oflicials because there are no more brothers.' 

"Castro said recent sea and air raids on Cuban industry had done no damage to speak of, and said Cubans 
knew 'the hand of the United States and its Latin American puppet governments, particularly Guate- 
mala, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua, are behind those attacks.' " 

Another incident which demonstrates Castro's view on the utilization of terror should be kept in mind. 

In November 1962, less than a month after the Cuban missile crisis, the FBI arrested five pro-Castro 
Cubans in New York City. Two of them were attached to the Cuban mission to the United Nations. 
Another had recently arrived in the United States on a diplomatic passport to serve with the mission, but 
had not yet been granted official diplomatic accreditation. 

The five had weapons, explosives, and incendiary devices in their possession at the time of their 
According to the FBI, they intended using the weapons to damage oil refineries in New Jersey and also 
to create pai\ic by exploding them in large retail stores in New York City. They were formally charged 
with conspiring to injure and destroy national defense materials. 

Following a formal protest from the Department of State, the two so-called diplomats left the United 
States and returned to Cuba. The other three were not tried, being exchanged instead (in April 1963) for 
Americans held by Castro. 

Inasmuch as three of these Cubans were official representatives of the Castro regime in the United 
Nations, there can be little doubt but that their conspiracy to sal)otage — and to utilize terror devices that 
would probably have killed a number of people— had Castro's blessing. 


In its recommendations for amendment of Title 18, U.S. Code, to 
give Federal jurisdiction in the offenses set forth, tlie committee finally 
observes that, where acts of violence involve \Iarxist movements, all 
facts can be developed only with the assistance or use of Federal 
agencies. These movements are largely national and international in 
scope and frequently involve foreign governments, groups, or organ- 
izations. State officers do not have the facilities or means to develop 
all facts surrounding the commission of an offense in which such move- 
ments are mvolved. The direction b}' President Johnson to the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation, and his subsequent creation of a 
special national commission, to ascertain the facts surrounding the 
assassination of President Kennedy would seem to make this clear. 
Moreover, bringing the commission of the offense within the jurisdic- 
tion of the United States also avoids a conflict of investigative juris- 
diction, places responsibility in the Federal authorities, and thus 
avoids any deterioration of the investigative process. For all these 
reasons the committee recommends legislative action. 

The committee, in repeating this recommendation first made m its 
Annual Report for the Year 1963, is pleased to note that the Warren 
Commission made a similar recommendation for legislative action in 
its report of September 24, 1964. 


It is recommended that legislation be adopted explicitly authorizing 
the President to regulate travel by United States citizens to specific 
areas or countries, at such times as he finds that the national interest 
requires such action, and making the violation of such restraints pun- 
ishable as an offense against the United States. 

The need for such legislation appeared as a result of intensive investi- 
gation and a series of hearings undertaken by this committee in 1963 
and 1964 concerning the pro-Castro and Communist propaganda 
activities of a substantial number of United States citizens who had 
traveled to Cuba since early in 1901, apparently in contravention of 
law and regulations. (See \Holations of State Department Travel Regu- 
lations and Pro-Castro Propaganda Activities in the United States, 
parts 1, 2, 3, and 4, Hearings before the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1963, and part .5, 1964.) 

This committee recommendation is not based on the belief that the 
President of the United States does not possess power to impose general 
prohibitions or restrictions on the travel of Americans to or within 
certain areas of the world. Rather, it is based primarily on evidence, 
developed in the committee's above-mentioned hearings, that there is 
need to strengthen the existing law (section llS5(b), Title 8, U.S.C.) 
making \nolations of Presidential travel restrictions a punishable 

The President's power to regulate travel to specific areas under cer- 
tain conditions derives from his implied constitutional duty to conduct 
the foreign affairs of the United States and from his position as the 
chief executor of the activities of the Federal Government in the field 
of international relations and for the defense of the Nation and tlie 
prevention of war. This power has been repeatedly claimed and exer- 
cised by the President in the course of our liistory. 



Although the President has frequently exercised the power to impose 
area restraints on travel, this power had not been tested in the courts 
or made the subject of judicial determination until recently. In three 
noteworthy cases decided by the United States Court of Appeals for 
the District of Columbia Circuit during the last few years, the Federal 
judiciary has had occasion to pass upon the constitutionality of the 
exercise of this power. In these cases — Worthy v. Herter, 270 F. 2d 
905, decided June 9, 1959; Frank v. Herter, 269 F. 2d 245, decided 
July 6, 1959; and Porter v. Herter, 278 F. 2d 280, decided April 28, 
1960 — the exercise of the power has been upheld, and in all three cases 
certiorari was denied by the United States Supreme Court (361 U.S. 
918).^^ In view of the significance of these cases to the legislative 
problems, they deserve exposition. 

Worthy v. Herter 

The opinion in this case was written by Chief Judge Prettyman for 
a unanimous panel of the court of appeals, consisting also of Justice 
Burton (sitting by designation) and Circuit Judge Miller. 

William Worthy, Jr., was a newspaperman, duly accredited by the 
Afro-American Newspapers, the iVew York Post, and the Columbia 
Broadcasting System. A passport had originally been issued to him 
in 1955, containing a restriction stating that it was not valid for travel 
to five named areas under control of governments with which the United 
States did not have diplomatic relations, including portions of China, 
Korea, and Vietnam under Communist control, and also a restriction 
against travel in Hungary. Under this 1955 passport, despite the 

13 The United States Supreme Court may have occasion to pass directly upon the issues involved by 
reason of an appeal now pending, filed with the Court on May 15, 1964, and likely to be heard by the Supreme 
Court in January 1965, in the case of Louis Zemel v. Bean liusk, Secretary of State, and Robert F. Kennedy, 
Attorney General (No. 1115. October Term, 1903). 

Zemel applied to the Department of State for a validation of passport for travel to Cuba. The applica- 
tion was denied, and he filed his action in the United States District Court for the District of Connecticut, 
seeking a declaratory judgment and to enjoin the enforcement and execution of the Passport Act of 1926 
and section 215 (8 U.S.C. 1185) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952. A three-judge court, 
convened pursuant to 28 U.S.C. 2282, granted the defendant's motion for summary judgment, one judge 
dissenting upon the merits of the case (228 F. Supp. 65, decided February 20, 1964). A statutory appeal 
(a matter of right, as distinguished from an application for writ of certiorari, which is a matter of grace) 
was taken from this decision directly to the Supreme Court. 

Also presently pending in the Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit is the case of Alan M. MacEwan 
and Mary G. MacEwan v. Dean Rusk, Secretary of Stale, and Robert F. Kennedy, Attorney General. The 
plaintiffs filed an action in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, 
seeking a declaratory judgment which would in effect declare invalid, on constitutional grounds, regula- 
tions issued by the Secretary of State pursuant to which he refused to endorse their passport for travel to 
and from Cuba. On March 30, 1964, a summary judgment against them was entered by the district court 
on motion of the defendants. 

The Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit has similar issues before it in the pending case of United Statfs 
V. Helen Travis. Helen Travis was convicted on May 14, 1964, in the U.S. District Court for the Southern 
District of California, at Los Angeles, on two counts of unlawful departure from the United States for 
travel to Cuba (Criminal ease No. 32380). In a memorandum opinion dated October 30, 1963, the trial 
court had previously denied defendant's motion to dismiss the indictment. 

The issues presented in the MacEwan and Travis cases may well be disposed of in the Zemel appeal. 
However, it is not certain whether or not the Zemel case will be decided on the merits. This will depend 
upon the Supreme Court's action with respect to the jurisdictional question raised by the Government's 
motion to dismiss the appeal, which asserts that the three-judge court was improperly convened and hence 
the Supreme Court lacked jurisdiction to entertain the appeal. 

A second Worthy case, William Worthy, Jr. v. United States,^ No. 20062, in the United States Court of 
Appeals for the Fifth Circuit was decided February 20. 1964. Worthy was charged under sec. 1185, Title 8, 
U.S. Code, with unlawful entry into the United States following his travel to Cuba without a validated 
passport. His conviction was reversed. The court held that it was a violation of the defendant's constitu- 
tional rights to make punishable an entry of the United States by a citizen. However, the court of appeals 
made that it would not necessarily take the same view with respect to a prosecution for unlawful 
departure under the same section of the statute, and further stated that: 

Although the right of foreign travel may not be arbitrarily or unreasonably restrained, it is not an 
absolute right. * * • The right of the Congress to require passports and to impose reasonable 
restrictions upon foreign travel is not dependent upon the existence of a state of war, but may be 
exercised under the broad power to enact legislation for the regulation of foreign affairs. 

The Government did not seek review of this decision. However, the Government is seeking an additional 
judicial interpretation with respect to the "entry" provisions in the case of U.S. v. Levi Laub, et al., cur- 
rently pending in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of New York. 


restrictions, Worthy had nevertheless traveled extensively in both 
Communist China and Hungary. In 1957 Worthy applied for a 
renewal of this 1955 passport. He was asked whether he would make 
a commitment to abide these same restrictions in the 1957 renewal for 
which he applied. Worthy declined to make such a commitment, and 
the application for renewal of passport was refused. 

The refusal of the passport did not rest upon Worthy's writings, 
character, or membership in any organization. This the court made 
clear, and thus distinguished the issue in this case from that involved 
in Kent v. Dulles, hereafter noted. The present case was an applica- 
tion of the general policy of refusing Government sanction to travel by 
United States citizens in certain areas of the world presently under 
ConiTuunist control, deemed to be trouble spots, where the presence of 
American citizens and the ofhcial approval of their presence would 
impede the execution of American foreign policy hi relation both to 
those countries and to other countries. 

The court unanimously held that such designation of restricted areas 
was within the power and authority of the Executive, for the following 
reasons : 

(1) The designation of certain areas of the world as forbidden to 
American travelers falls within the power to conduct foreign affairs. 
The imposition of such restrictions is an instrument of foreign policy. 
"The essence of the conduct of foreign affairs is the maintenance of 
peace, the prevention of war. The Constitution places that task of 
prevention in the hands of the Executive. The two correlative powers, 
to conduct war and to prevent war, are Executive functions under our 
Constitution." The court concluded that the President has ample 
power to impose these restrictions under the Constitution itself, and 
apart from statute. 

(2) Although there is ample power under the Constitution itself to 
impose geographical restrictions, there is also a statutory power to des- 
ignate restricted areas under section 1185(b) of Title 8 U.S.C., the 
Immigration and Nationalit}^ Act, and the Act of Jul3'' 3, 1926 (22 
U.S.C. 211a). 

(3) As to Worthy's claim that the right to travel is protected by the 
Constitution, being a part of the light to liberty, the court answered 
this claim in a lucid passage wiiich deserves to be set forth in full, as 

The right to travel is a part of the right to liberty, and a news- 
paperman's right to travel is a part of the freedom of the 
press. But these valid generalizations do not support unre- 
strained conclusions. For the maintenance and jireservation 
of liberty, individual rights must be restricted for various rea- 
sons from time to time. In case of a clear and present danger 
to the national security, even so generally unrest rict a hie a 
right as speech can be restricted. In case of a reasonably an- 
ticipated threat to security or to law and order, many acts 
by individuals can be restricted. An assembling mob bent on 
(Hsorder can ho (hsporsed. A man with a rontagious disease 
can be locked in his house. Potenlially dangerous actions 
must be restricted in order to prevent harm to othei-s. So we 
have sanitation, fire, buihhng and speeding regulations. 

Liberty itself is inherently a restricted tiling. Liberty is a 
product of oixU'r. There is no liberty in anarchy or in cliaos. 


Liberty is achieved by rules, which correlate every man's ac- 
tions to every other man's rights and thus, by mutual 
restrictions one upon the other, achieve a result of relative 
freedom. The mere day-to-day maintenance of the order 
which insures hberty requires restrictions upon individual 
rights. Some actions, neither harmful nor potentially dan- 
gerous, must be restricted simply for the sake of good order 
in the community. So we have parking, traflBc and zoning 
regulations and rules of court. 

No individual may take whatever he pleases, and so all 
others are free to enjoy their possessions. One man may not 
assault another with whom he disagrees, and this restriction 
protects the freedom of all to speak and live peacefully. One 
may not spread vicious lies about another, and so all are free 
to enjoy their good reputations. Every person is forbidden 
to join with his competitors to drive another person out of 
business, and so all are free to pursue their trades and buy 
products at reasonable prices. Everybody's liberty is re- 
stricted by prohibitions against driving recklessly, spread- 
ing disease, and leaving hidden dangers on property, and so 
the whole community is free to enjoy health. One cannot 
trample his neighbor's flower beds, or even trespass on his 
lawn. Even in a neighborhood community every man's right 
to roam is drastically restricted. A man who asserts his own 
uninhibited freedom to go where he pleases is a menace and 
is quickly put in his place. He may not park where he 
pleases, or drink where he pleases, or spit where he pleases. 
In the community the police take care of these matters, and 
in so doing the officers act as servants of the rest of the 
community; they are the government. 

Freedom to worship as each one chooses is restricted in some 
ways. Worship b}^ hmnan sacrifice is forbidden. A member 
of one religion cannot interrupt the services of another reli- 
gion in order to worship in his own way. Through this re- 
striction aU have freedom to worship as they choose. 

Freedom of the press bears restrictions. It does not include 
the right to publish what another has registered with the copy- 
right office. Merely because a newsman has a right to travel 
does not mean he can go anywhere he wishes. He cannot 
attend conferences of the Supreme Court, or meetings of the 
President's Cabinet, or executive sessions of Committees of 
the Congress. He cannot come into my house without my 
permission, or enter a ball park without a ticket of admission 
from the management, or cross a public street downtown be- 
tween crosswalks. He cannot pass a police cordon thrown 
about an accident, unless he has a pass from the police. A 
newsman's freedom to travel about is a restricted thing, sub- 
ject to myriad limitations. 

The peace-loving have rights. Those who recognize the 
fundamental necessities of liberty as a delicate product of 
order have power to protect themselves and their liberty. 
The liberty of everyone, law-abiding citizen and criminal 
alike, is involved in the maintenance of order and is threat- 
ened when disorder brings either the necessity or the oppor- 

53-323 — Go 7 


tunity for force to replace correlated rules of conduct. Such 
a threat may easily arise from conditions in foreign lands. 
The people have a right to protect their liberty, no matter 
whence the threat. 

Indeed it is quite clear that those who cry the loudest for 
unrestricted individual freedom of action would be the loud- 
est in bemoaning their fate if their plea were granted. The 
same release from constituted authority would set free per- 
sons so powerful, so ruthless, so bent on autocratic control 
that no newsman would have any liberty whatever. The 
customary prompt transformation of unrestrained liberty 
into dictatorship is one of the poignant lessons of history. 
These pleas for unrestricted individual freedom seem to us 
to be made upon a fh-m assiunption that not too many people 
will be granted such liberty and not too much liberty in any 
event. Worthy himself says he does not plead for an un- 
restricted liberty for all people. His plea is for his own 
liberty to do what he happens to choose. 

So we conclude on the point that the right to travel, like 
every other form of liberty, is, in our concept of an ordered 
society, subject to restrictions under some circumstances and 
for some reasons. 

Frank v. Herter 

This case was decided for the court of appeals by Judges Bazelon, 
Fahy, and Burger. 

This decision is a per curiam decision of one paragraph, in which 
the com"t stated that the questions involved were decided by this 
court in Worthy v. Herter and that, therefore, the complaint of Waldo 
Frank to remove from his passport a travel restraint clause as to 
Communist China and to enjoin the enforcement of sanctions against 
the plaintiff was dismissed upon a motion of the vSecretary of State for 
summary judgment. 

However, there is a concurring opinion by Judge Burger, who felt 
that there was something more involved in this appeal of Frank than 
was involved in the Worthy case. Judge Burger pointed out that 
the issue in the Worthy case related only to the power of the President 
to impose an area restriction on travel of United States citizens, 
whereas in the Frank case an additional issue was presented, namely: 
Conceding the Secretary's power to limit travel to Communist China, 
was the formula and criteria prescribed for the selection of a limited 
number of news correspondents who were permitted to travel to 
Communist China unconstitutionally discriminatory as to Frank? 

It appeared that Frank was a teacher and lecturer, who had an in- 
vitation to lecture in Communist China and sought removal of a travel 
restraint clause in a duly issued passport which he held, restraining 
travel to that country. The passport held by Frank — like all those 
issued by the State Department in recent years — contained the follow- 
ing provision: 

This passport is not valid for travel to the following areas 
under the control of authorities with which the United States 
does not have diplomatic relations: Albania, Bulgaria and 
those portions of China, Korea and Viet-Nam under Com- 
mimist control. 


In support of his coni])laint seeking removal of the restraint, 
Frank made three contentions: (1) The Secretary of State had no 
statutory authority to prevent United States citizens from traveling 
to China; (2) the travel restrictions are a violation t)f liis (h'st amend- 
ment rights of free speech and press and the deprivation of his right 
to earn a living by activities requiring travel ; and i'S) the Secretary's 
action in granting travel rights to 25 or 30 representatives of various 
news services, while denying the same rights to lam individual!}^, was 
an unreasonable discrimination in violation of due process under the 
fifth amendment. 

Frank's pleadings described him as a writer, scholar, and teacher, 
who has lectured here and abroad and who wrote for 20 Latin Ameri- 
can papers. He asserted that he had an invitation to lectui'e at the 
University of Peking. 

The Secretary of State in reply responded as he did in Worthy v. 
Herter: (1) That an essential feature of United States policy toward 
world communism generally and Communist China in particular is 
to withhold recognition, de facto and de jure, of that regime; (2) that 
in the implementation of that policy, travel of United States citizens 
to the China mainland has been prohibited; (3) that the Executive's 
power to conduct foreign affairs springs from the inherent powers of 
a sovereign, confirmed by the Constitution and implemented by joint 
action of the President and Congress in statutes; and (4) that in im- 
plementation of U.S. polic}^ the Secretary has developed a formula to 
permit a limited number of news-gathering agencies to designate 
representatives to receive passports to Communist China, the agencies 
being selected on the basis of established past interest in foreign news 

Judge Burger said that the first two contentions of Frank were 
disposed of in Worthy v. Herter, but that the challenge to the Secre- 
tary's action as being discriminatory is not necessarily controlled by 
the Worthy case. Judge Burger then dealt with the charge of uncon- 
stitutional discrimination. He declared that the Secretary's decision 
relating to the manner of selection of correspondents to be afforded 
travel privileges to China is a political decision not subject to judicial 
review unless it appears that the decision of the Secretary was so 
arbitary as to render the basis of the choice discriminatory: 

If, for example, the choice was limited only to Democrats or 
only to Republicans, obviously that would be improper and 
would fall. But judicial review even of the formula of selec- 
tion is narrow and it is limited to determining whether the 
basis of the choice bears some rational relationship to the ends 
to be served. The distinction made between news agencies 
with a demonstrated interest in foreign news coverage and 
individual reporters must have some relevance to the purpose 
to be achieved. 

In this case the Secretary invited each news-gathering agency vdih 
a demonstrated interest in reporting foreign news to apply for leave 
to go to the China mainland and specifically set as an eligibility cri- 
terion the maintenance of at least one full-time correspondent over- 
seas. Judge Burger said: 

Our Government has decided to try out this program of 
allowing some news correspondents to go to Communist 


China on an "experimental and temporary basis" because 
presumably, as a calculated risk, in the conduct of foreign af- 
fairs it may help our ultimate objectives of world peace and 
stability, reduction of tensions, and resistance to Commu- 
nism. In such an experiment the political branches of the 
government must be allowed wide latitude in carrjdng out 
its policy. 

Judge Burger then said it was not the duty of the court to decide 
whether the Secretary of State had developed the best formula for this 
program, but to decide merely whether he had exceeded his authority 
or had acted discriminatorily. Judge Burger found that the formula 
established for the selection of a limited number of correspondents 
was not discriminatory and he, therefore, conciu-red in the judgment 
dismissing the complaint. 

Porter v. Herter 

This appeal was decided by Justice Burton (sitting by designation) 
and Circuit Judges Danaher and Bastian, in a brief per curiam 

Porter was a Member of Congress, representing the Fom'th Con- 
gressional District of the State of Oregon, who on August 7, 1958, was 
issued a passport on which appeared a restriction identical to that 
contained in Frank's passport and previously quoted. On June 10, 
1959, Porter applied to the Department of State for permission to 
visit Red China, asserting: 

A member of Congress has a right to go anywhere in the 
world to do his duty as a U.S. legislator as he sees it, except 
in time of war or emergency. Any other pplicy would seem 
to be an unconstitutional breach of the separation of powers. 

Porter's application was denied. He then instituted suit in the dis- 
trict court asserting that the Secretary's action was in violation of his 
rights under the Passport Act of 1926 and the Constitution of the 
United States. He asked for an injunction to restrain the Secretary 
from withholding passport facilities and for an order compelling 
the Secretary to remove the limitation upon his use of the passport 
for travel to China. 

The com-t in its decision noted that, although Porter as a member 
of the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service had been authorized 
to travel on behalf of that committee in an official capacity to Okinawa 
and Japan to investigate personnel problems of overseas employees, 
he had no comparable authority from Congress to travel in Communist 
China, The court held that his status as a Member of Congress, 
without more, does not entitle him to be exempted from regulations of 
the Executive in matters within the Executive's constitutional compe- 
tence. The court particularly pointed out that there was no question 
in this case of a conflict between the legislative and executive branches 
in which the court would be called upon to resolve opposing constitu- 
tional claims. The issue here was merely a right asserted by Porter 
in his individual capacity, although a member of the legislative 
branch; and, under such circumstances, he, as an individual Con- 
gressman, must conform to the passport regulations which are equally 


applicable to all citizens and whicli have been authorized l)y the 
branch of the Government havins; jurisdiction over the subject. The 
court said that, viewed in this light, his rights are subject to the 
considerations discussed in Worthy v. Herter and Frank v. Hcrter, 

It is significant that hi the above-mentioned cases the courts did 
not question the general authority of the President —apart from spe- 
cific statute — to impose area restrictions on travel. Nevertheless, 
whatever powers may be vested in the President alone in this area, 
there is no doubt that the President and the Congress, acting together, 
may exercise the total powers of a sovereign state, subject to consti- 
tutional requirements, in matters concerning travel, including area 

The committee's hearings indicate, however, that the security prob- 
lem facing this country today is not so much one of power to regulate 
travel as it is the effectiveness of existing laws which attach penalties 
to travel undertaken in violation of Presidential directives. 

This is a problein the President alone cannot solve. Only the Con- 
gress, in the exercise of its legislative function, can create or impose 
penal sanctions for the infringement of such regulations or prohibi- 
tions as the President may promulgate. 

Although recognizing the historic power of the President to place 
area restrictions on travel, the committee believes that his hand should 
be strengthened by the enactment of legislation expressing the will and 
intent of the legislative branch of the Government, spelled out in 
direct and positive form. The committee takes this position because, 
as previously indicated, existing statutes contain vreaknesses which 
need correction in the interest of national security. K review of the 
provisions of these statutes and their administration relative to unau- 
thorized travel to Cuba during the past 3 years indicates what these 
weaknesses are and what steps should be taken to correct them. 

In the past, the Secretary of State has claimed and exercised the 
power to fix area restrictions on travel pursuant to the Act of Julv 3, 
1926, 44 Stat. 887; 22 U.S.C. 211a. That act provides as follows: 

The Secretary of State may grant and issue passports, and 
cause passports to be granted, issued, and verified in foreign 
countries by diplomatic representatives of the United States, 
and by such consul generals, consuls, or vice consuls when in 
charge, as the Secretary of State may designate, and by the 
chief or other executive officer of the insular possessions of the 
United States, under such rules as the President shall desig- 
nate and prescribe for and on behalf of the United States, and 
no other person shall grant, issue, or verify such passports. 

Based on the authoritv of this statute the President, as long ago as 
March 31, 1938, adopted the following regulation (22 CFR 5f.75) : 

The Secretary of State is authorized in his discretion to re- 
fuse to issue a passport, to restrict a passport for use only in 
certain countries, to restrict it against use in certain countries, 
to withdraw or cancel a passport already issued, and to with- 
draw a passport for the purpose of restricting its validity o: 
use in certain countries. [Emphasis added.] 


The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 (Title 8, U.S.C, 
section 1185) provides that when the United States is at loar or during 
the existence of any national emergency 'proclaimed by the President: 

After such proclamation * * * has been made and pub- 
lished and while such proclamation is in force, it shall, except 
as otherwise provided by the President, and subject to such 
limitations and exceptions as the President may authorize 
and prescribe, be unla\vf ul for any citizen of the United States 
to depart from or enter, or attempt to depart from or enter, 
the United States unless he bears a valid passport. 

Any person who shall willfully violate any of the provisions 
of this section, or of any order or proclamation of the Presi- 
dent promulgated, or of any permit, rule, or regulation issued 
thereunder, shall, upon conviction, be fined not more than 
$5,000, or, if a natural person, imprisoned for not more than 
5 years, or both * * * and any vehicle, vessel, or aircraft to- 
gether with its appurtenances, equipment, tackle, apparel, 
and furniture, concerned in an}^ such violation, shall be 
forfeited to the United States. 

This statute is the only expression of congressional intent specifically 
supplementing the President's constitutional power to impose area 
restrictions on travel and making violations of Presidential area re- 
strictions a punishable offense. It is limited, however, to conditions 
when the United States is at war or during the existence of a national 

It was called into effect after Castro seized power in Cuba — and is 
still in effect today — by reason of the national emergency proclaimed 
by President Truman on December 16, 1950 (64 Stat. A 454), and not 
since terminated. 

Prior to January 19, 1961, Department of State regidations did not 
require that a valid passport be possessed by a United States citizen 
traveling between the United States and any country or territory in 
North, Central, or South America (or in any island adjacent thereto) 
unless the citizen was traveling to, or arriving from, a place for which 
a passport would be required (i.e., some place outside the hemisphere) 
and was traveling to or from it via countries of this hemisphere. 

Following the break in diplomatic relations with Cuba on January 
3, 1961, the Department of State, through its appropriate officer, on 
January 16, announced, in Public Notice 179, that: 

In view of the conditions existing in Cuba and in the ab- 
sence of diplomatic relations between that country and the 
United States of America I find that the unrestricted travel 
by United States citizens to or in Cuba would be contrary to 
the foreign policy of the United States and would be otherwise 
inimical to the national interest. 

« « * « * 

Hereafter United States passports shall not be valid for 
travel to or in Cuba unless specifically endorsed for such 
travel under the authority of the Secretary of State or until 
this order is revoked. 

Three days later, on January 19, 1961, U.S. travel regulations were 
amended to require a valid passport for any citizen of the United 


States traveling to Cuba. The new regulations specifically provided 
that no valid passport shall be required of a citizen of the United 
States or of a person who owes allegiance to the United States : 

When traveling between the United States and any 
country, territory or island adjacent thereto in North, 
Central, or South America, excludnig Cuba: Provided, 
That this exception shall not be applicable to any such 
person when traveling to or arriving from a place outside 
the United States for which a valid passport is required 
under this part, if such travel is accomplished via any 
countrA^ or territorv in Nortli, Central, or South Ajnerica 
or any island adjacent thereto: * * * (22 CFR 53.3) 

In the hearings undertaken by the committee relating to travel to 
Cuba in violation of these statutes and regulations, it became clear 
from the testimony of witnesses and various exhibits received in evi- 
dence that the travelers did not regard either the pertinent statutes 
or regulations as adequate to make punishable their travel to Cuba 
after January 19, 1961, although they possessed no passports specifi- 
cally endorsed for travel to Cuba. Their reasons, as claimed and 
asserted, although vaguely expressed in most instances, fell into three 
principal categories. 

One theory strongly advanced was that the statute and the regula- 
tions were unlawful infringements upon the "right" to travel and were 
thus unconstitutional and void. It was variously asserted that the 
"right" to travel was a personal matter not subject to governmental 
interference, that it was essential to the right to learn what is going 
on in various parts of the world, and was also involved in the exercise 
of the first amendment freedoms of speech and association. The pre- 
viously quoted court decisions; namely, Worthy, Frank, and Porter, it 
is believed, dispose of this claim. 

The second principal argument asserted was that the action of the 
State Department in regulating travel to Cuba was simply a "public 
notice" and was not based upon any "law" which specifically pro- 
scribed or lunited travel to Cuba. It was claimed that the "policy" 
of the State Department could not serve as a substitute for specific 
legislation and that, in any event, such legislation would be void 
because unconstitutional. 

It appears that this argument is lacking in validity because the 
State Department's regulations barring travel to Cuba without a 
specially validated passport, as published in the Code of Federal 
Regulations, were based specifically on the authority to restrict travel 
granted to the President by Congress in section 1185 of the Immigra- 
tion and Nationality Act of 1952. Thus, despite the claims of the 
travelers to the contrary, the regulations were based on law. 

In form letters distributed to potential "student" travelers by 
organizers of the 1963 group trip to Cuba, the advice was also given, 
and the third claim made, that where the individual was in possession 
■of a "valid passport" at the time he departed from the United States 
(which would be the case if he entered a Western Hemisphere nation 
for which no passport was required or some other country for which 
he held a "valid passport") his travel to Cuba thereafter woidd not 
be an unlawful "departure" or in violation of law unless he "used" 
his passport for entry to Cuba. It became obvious from the record 


that most of the witnesses were acting upon this advice and theory. 
They had obtained passports on the representation that they proposed 
to travel to countries of this hemisphere or Europe, not naming Cuba. 
They then traveled to Cuba after visiting other countries. This device — 
for the evidence indicates it was no more than that — was an obvious 
attempt to evade the intent of the law by reliance on a supertechnical 
interpretation of it. Obviously, any person who left the United 
States under the conditions described, with the intent oj visiting Cuba, 
would be in violation of the purpose of the law. 

Actually, it appeared from the context of the testimony that the 
validity of the law regulating travel to Cuba was not a matter of 
material concern to the travelers. The legal objections raised by 
them appear smiply as a smokescreen to cover a basic Communist 
agitational eftort to conduct propaganda favorable to the Castro 
regime, and to commmiism generally throughout the world, under- 
taken primarily under the leadership of the Progressive Labor Move- 
ment, a Communist splinter group. The record clearly shows that the 
travel was organized m aid of the immediate objective of breaking the 
ban on travel to Cuba and as a first step in the loDg-range objective of 
breaking the attempted isolation of Cuba by the United States. To 
obscure these objectives the Commuuists adopted a favored and basic 
technique of appearing to champion "civil rights" — the "liberty to 
travel" and the "right to learn" — to conceal the real objective of 
undermming American foreign policy designed to contain or suppress 
a regune hostile to the security of the Nation and to the interests of 
liberty-loving people everywhere. 

It was also clear that, by pointing up an alleged "right to travel" 
to Cuba and deliberately violating the State Department ban on such 
travel, the travelers hoped to embarrass and degrade the United 
States in the eyes of the whole of Latin America and other areas of the 
world as well. This was to be accomplished bj^ creating the impression 
that a group of typical American students, at odds with their Govern- 
ment and its "repressive laws" and policies, were concerned only with 
seeing the truth which the Government was trying to withhold from 
them. By then- actions and subsequent glowing speeches favorable 
to Castro and communism in Cuba, they would influence Americans 
at home and peoples in all parts of the world, non-Communist as well 
as Communist. A picture was to be painted, however false, that 
Cuban communism was wonderful and that the American Governnient 
had been suppressing and misrepresenting the truth. The obvious 
hope was entertained that, by bringing American foreign policy into 
disrepute, the people of the United States would ultimately demand a 
change in governmental policy. At the same time, the travelers 
apparently saw an opportunity to discredit the legitunate channels 
of anticommunism in the United States, such as the State Department, 
the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and congressional committees. 
Finally, this "daring" exploit and coup by the recently formed Pro- 
gressive Labor Movement was expected to give stature to this new 
organization and to stimulate its growth. 

While the objections of the Cuban travelers appear to be without 
substance in light of the broad language of the statute authorizing the 
President to make such limitations and exceptions as he may author- 
ize and prescribe concerning departure from or entry into the United 
States, it is clear that certain of their claims have not been expressly 


the subject of judicial dotovniination. I^iuloubtedly, these issues will 
be presented for judicial deterniinatiou under indictments returned 
in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of New- 
York against a number of the travelers who have been subpenaed to 
appear as witnesses before this conuuittee. 

The investigations of the committee revealed that certain of those 
who traveled to Cuba without specific passport validation for such 
travel were as fully conscious of the statutorv' support given to the 
President's restrictions on travel to Cuba by the Act of 1926 as they 
were of such support given them by section 1185 of Title S, the Immi- 
gration and Nationalitv Act. Therefore, in order to avoid the criminal 
JDenalties provided by"the Act of June 25, 1948 (18 U.S.C. 1544) for 
the misuse of passports — that is to say a willful use or attempted use 
of passport in violation of the conditions or restrictions contained in 
it — those travelers who bore passports made a special effort not to 
"use" them when obtaining visas from Cuban authorities to visit that 
countiy. It appears from the testimony taken at the hearings that 
those travelers possessing passports were advised not to exhibit them 
to foreign officials concerned with the issuance of visas for travel 
to Cuba. 

However, some doubt has been expressed as to whether the Act of 
1926 would be construed to authorize area restraints, or gives any 
authoiity to the Secretaiy of State beyond certain ministerial powers. 
What this statute authorizes in this respect has not been the subject 
of final determination by the Supreme Court of the United States, 
although there has been passing comment upon it in the recent case of 
Kent V. Dulles, 357 U.S. 116, decided June 16, 1958. That case dealt 
with the validity of individual restraints — the power of the Secretary- 
of State to deny a passport to Communists — either under the Immi- 
gration and Nationalitv Act of 1952, 8 U.S.C. 1185, or the aforesaid 
Act of 1926, 22 U.S.C.' 21 la. The Supreme Court there pointed out 
that no more should be inferred from section 211a of the Act of 1926 
than that, in it, the Congress was adopting a prior administrative 
practice of reviewing passports falling into two categories: the first 
pertinent to the citizenship of the applicant and his allegiance to the 
United States w^hich had to be resolved by the Secretary- of State in 
the light of the command of Congress that passports shall be granted 
to no other persons (22 U.S.C. 212), and the second, whether the 
applicant was participating in illegal conduct, that is, trvdng to escape 
the toils of the law, promote passport frauds, or othermse engaging 
in conduct which would violate the law^s of the United States. The 
Court by its language was thus appearing to confine the Act of 1926 
largely to a ministerial function with little or no discretionaiy power. 
In any event, the Act of 1926 is merely a restriction upon the avail- 
ability or use of passports for travel, but does not iwohihit the travel 
itself or make such travel unlawful. 

The committee's investigations indicate that, since early 1961, over 
325 persons have traveled to Cuba without passports validated for 
such travel. The committee has no indication that the Department of 
Justice has been delinquent in its efforts to prosecute those who have 
traveled to Cuba illegally, or who have conspired to arrange such 
travel. Yet, as of this date, only 13 indictments have been obtained 
for any offense in connection therewith. It has been urged in some 
quarters that an obstacle to prosecutive action under the existing 


statutes may be the need to prove that the traveler, on departmg from 
the United States to go to a country for which no passport is required 
or to one for which he has a valid passport, actually intended to go 
to Cuba and that he traveled in this fashion in an effort to avoid 
the penalties of the law. 

In the light of these problems, Chairman Willis on November 6, 
1963, introduced H.R. 9045. This bill woidd amend section 1185 and 
provides that when the President shall find that "the interests of the 
United States require" that restrictions and prohibitions shall be im- 
posed upon the departure of persons from and their entry into the 
United States, and shall make public proclamation thereof — 

it shall, except as otherwise provided by the President, and 
subject to such limitations and exceptions as the President 
may authorize and prescribe, be unlawful for any citizen or 
national of the United States to— 

(1) depart from or enter, or attempt to depart from or 
enter, the United States unless he bears a valid passport; 

(2) travel to, enter, or travel in or through any coun- 
try or area, or attempt to travel to, enter, or travel in or 
through any country or area, unless he bears a passport 
specially endorsed for and authorizing such travel or 
entry therein ; or 

(3) travel to, enter, or travel in or through any coun- 
try or area, or attempt to travel to, enter, or travel in or 
through any country or area to which travel by United 
States citizens has been prohibited by the President. 

The committee believes this bill remedies the already noted deficien- 
cies found in existing statutes so far as relates to the effective and 
expeditious prosecution of persons who violate area travel bans, 
whether they apply to Cuba or any other country. 

First, the bill permits exercise of the Presidential power whenever 
he finds regulation of travel necessary in the national interest. He 
is thereby not confined, as in the operation of section 1185 of Title 8, 
U.S. Code, to time of war or national emergency. 

Secondly, the bill makes punishable the act of traveling into pro- 
hibited areas. Under the existing section 1185, the offense is limited 
to an unlawful departure from, or entry into, the United States with- 
out "a valid passport." The provisions of the bill remove the statute 
from any ambiguity of expression. It likewise relieves the enforce- 
ment agencies of an extremely difficult burden in particular cases — 
because of investigative problems — of proving venue, that is to say, 
the specific point of departure from, or entry into, the United States. 

Thirdly, the statute likewise lightens the burden of proof in prosecu- 
tions under section 1185 with respect to proving the intent of the indi- 
vidual to travel to a proscribed area at the time of "departure" from 
the United States. To sustain a prosecution under the statute, it is now 
essential that the prosecution prove that at the time of "departure" 
from the United States, the traveler intended, for example, to travel 
to Cuba while not in possession of a passport specially endorsed for 
travel to that territory. Testimony received in committee hearings 
indicated that several of the witnesses traveled first to areas such as 
Mexico or Canada, for which travel is authorized without a passport, 
or traveled to areas in Europe while in possession of passports "valid" 


for that area, and then subsequently traveled to Cuba. Where the 
travel was not directh* to Cuba, there is in many instances difficulty in 
proving that the "departure" from the United States was unlawful, 
or, as in the words of the statute, that the departure was without a 
"valid passport." 

Fourthly, the loophole apparently thought to exist by some of the 
travelers in the Act of 1926, namely, that under that statiite only the 
"misuse" of a passport would be unlawful, is eliminated. Under the 
bill, it is the travel itself that becomes unlawful without regard to 
the use of a passport. 

In all respects the bill strengthens tlie hand of the President in the 
execution of foreign polic}-, by giving him explicit legislative authori- 
zation to exercise a power alread}' impliedly possessed by him and 
implementing this power with penal sanctions in the event his regula- 
tions are violated. For the reasons outlined, the conmiittee deems it 
essential that existing law be amended, and for this purpose proposals 
along the lines of the chairman's bill are recommended. 


It is recommended that legislation be adopted authorizing the 
Secretary of State, in his discretion, to deny passports, or to grant 
restricted passports, to persons whose actual or principal purpose in 
traveling abroad is to engage in activities which will further the aims 
and objectives of the Communist conspiracy. 

The necessity for such legislation became apparent following the 
Supreme Court decisions of June 16, 1958, in the cases of Kent and 
Briehl v. Dulles, 357 U.S. 116, and Dayton Y.Dulles, 357 U.S. 144. 
The Court struck down the Secretary of State's regulations denying 
passports to participants in the Communist movement on the basis 
that there was no specific congressional authorization for the promul- 
gation of such regulations. The serious consequence of these decisions, 
as the committee pointed out 7 years ago in its Annual Report for the 
Year 1958, was indicated by the fact that from June 16, 1958, the date 
of the decisions, to November 7, 1958 — a period of less than 5 months —  
the State Department was required to grant passports to 596 persons 
who had records of activity in support of the international Communist 

Two years before the Supreme Court action in these cases, this 
committee recognized the weakness in the regulations of the Secretary 
of State arising from the absence of specific legislative authority for 
them. In its Annual Report for the Year 1956 the committee pointed 
out that: 

Although recognizing the historic discretion of the Secre- 
tary of State to issue, withhold or limit passports under regu- 
lations adopted pursuant to Executive orders, the committee 
believes that the hand of the Secretary should be strength- 
ened by the enactment of legislation expressing the will and 
intent of the legislative branch of the Government spelled 
out in direct and positive form. * * * 

Of such concern were the holdings of the Supreme Court in the 
Kent, Briehl, and Dayton cases that, less than 1 month after they 
were handed down. President Eisenhower on July 7, 1958, sent a 
message to the Congress requesting enabling legislation. In this 
message he said in part: 


To the Congress of the United States: 

Since the earliest days of our Republic, the Secretary 
of State has had the authority to issue or deny passports. 
Historically this authority stems from the Secretary ti 
basic responsibilities as the principal officer of the President 
concerned with the conduct of foreign relations. Congress 
has over a period of years given the Secretar3^ of State 
certam additional statutory authority in the field. 

In recent years the Secretary of State has based his limita- 
tion of passports on two general grounds. The fu'st of these 
has been that an applicant's travel, usually to a specific 
comitry or countries, was inimical to United States foreign 
relations. ^^ The second of the general grounds of denial has 
been that the applicant is a member of the Communist 
Party; is under Communist Party discipline, domination, or 
control; or that the applicant is traveling abroad to assist 
knowingly the international Communist movement. 

Recently the Supreme Court limited this power to deny 
passports under existing law. It is essential that the Govern- 
ment today have power to deny passports where their pos- 
session would seriously impair the conduct of the foreign 
relations of the United States or would be inimical to the 
secm-ity of the United States. 

I wish to emphasize the urgency of the legislation I have 
recommended. Each day and week that passes without it 
exposes us to great danger. I hope the Congress will move 
promptly toward its enactment. ^^ 

Following this message, the President submitted proposed legislation 
to the 85th Congress (S. 4110, H.R. 13318). This was not adopted. 
Following the Supreme Court decision of June 16, 1958, in the 85th 
and each Congress thereafter, other bills have been introduced — but 
none enacted — to give authority to the Secretary of State to promul- 
gate regidations denying passports to those traveling abroad where the 
proposed travel is to give support to the Communist conspirac}''. 

On August 23, 1958, the House passed H.R. 13760, which had been 
introduced by Mr. Selden on August 12, 1958. There was no Senate 
action. The following year, in the 86th Congress, the House on 
September 8, 1959, passed H.R. 9069, which had also been introduced 
by Mr. Selden. Again, there was no Senate action. 

A little over 3 years later, the situation was temporarily relieved b}^ 
another Court decision. On June 5, 1961, the Supreme Coiut, in 
the Communist Party case (367 U.S. 1), upheld the Subversive Activi- 
ties Control Board finding that the Communist Party was a Com- 
munist-action organization and, as such, was required to register 
under the Internal Security Act of 1950. The Board's order for the 
Communist Party to register became final on October 20, 1961, and 
on that date section 6 of the Internal Security Act became effective 
as to Communist Party members. This section made it unlawful 
for a member of a Communist organization that has registered, or 
against which there is in effect a final order of the Board requiring it 
to register, to make application for a passport, or to use or attempt to 

'* See Recommendation II, "Area Restraints on Travel," supra, pp. 76-89. 
'5 Congressional Record, July 7, 1958, p. 3046. 


use any such passport, and prohibited the issuance of a passport to 
such person, 

A httle over 2H years hiter, however, on June 22, 1964, in the rase 
of Aj)theker and Fly nil v. The Secretary of State, 378 U.S. 500, the 
Supreme Court dechued section 6 of the Internal Security Act un- 

Hence, at the present time, the floodgates are open. The Depart- 
ment of State and Government of tlie United States are powerless t(^ 
restrain or restrict the travel of hundreds of persons wdiose travel 
abroad has been for the purpose of servhig the aggressive plans of the 
world Comnuinist movement, whose objective is to bring down and 
destroy our free society and its constitutional form of government. 

It is clearly within the i)ower of Congress to enact legislation curb- 
ing such travel. The cases of Kent, Briehl, and Dayton were decided 
not on the basis of any constitutional prohibition against denials of 
passports, but on the ground of lack of congressional authorization 
for the Secretary of Stute (jind perhaps the President) to establish a 
regulation beyond his individual competence. Aptheker and Flynn 
decided only Ihat such legislation must be carefully tailored so as not 
to "sweep unnecessarily broadly and thereby in\'ade the area of pro- 
tected freedoms." The cases are of interest and importance and 
should be considered for the light they throw on the problems in- 
volved in the exercise of legislative power in relation to the "hberty" 
or ''right" to travel. 

The separate cases of Kockwell Kent, a well-known artist, and 
Dr. Walter Briehl, a psychiatrist, were decided in one opinion at 357 
U.S. 116. Each had made application for passport. Kent expressed 
a desire to visit England and to attend a meeting of the Comnmnist 
World Council of Peace in Helsinki, Finland. Briehl stated his desire 
to attend an international psychoanalytic congress in Geneva and a 
World Mental Health Organization Congress in Istanbul. 

Both Kent and Briehl had been identified as members of the Com- 
munist Party, with extensive records in support of its activities, par- 
ticularly its propaganda operations. Both Kent and Briehl were 
asked to supply the Passport Office with an affidavit relating to pres- 
ent or past membership in the Communist Party. Both were advised 
that unless these affidavits were submitted, their applications could 
not be favorably considered. Both were also informed at the same 
time that they were nevertheless entitled to a hearing, and hearings 
were granted to both. Due to the refusal of both applicants to 
submit affidavits, their applications were rejected. 

The regulations under which these passports were refused had been 
adopted September 4, 1952, and published at 22 CFR 51.135 to 
51.143. Section 51.135 provides: 

In order to promote the national interest by assuring that 
persons who support the world Communist movement of 
which the Communist Party is an integral unit may not, 
through use of United States passports, fui-tlier the purposes 
of that movement, no passport, except one limited for direct 
and immediate return to the United States, shall be issued to: 

(a) Persons who are members of the Communist Party or 
who have recently terminated such membership under such 
circumstances as to warrant the conclusion — not otherwise 


rebutted by the evidence — that they continue to act in fur- 
therance of the interests and under the disciphne of the Com- 
munist Party; 

(b) Persons, regardless of the formal state of their affilia- 
tion with the Communist Party, who engage in activities 
which support the Communist movement under such circum- 
stances as to warrant the conclusion— not othervvise rebutted 
by the e^ddence— that they have engaged in such activities 
as a result of direction, domination, or control exercised over 
them by the Communist movement. 

(c) Persons, regardless of the formal state of their affilia- 
tion with the Communist Party, as to whom there is reason to 
believe, on the balance of all the evidence, that they are going 
abroad to engage in activities which Avill advance the Com- 
munist movement for the purpose, knowingly and willfully, 
of advancing that movement. 


Section 51.142 provides: 

At any stage of the proceedings in the Passport Division 
or before the Board, if it is deemed necessary, the applicant 
may be required, as a part of his application, to subscribe, 
under oath or affirmation, to a statement with respect to 
present or past membership in the Communist Party. If 
applicant states that he is a Communist, refusal of a passport 
in his case will be without further proceedings. 

Both Kent and Brielil claimed that the requirement of an affidavit 
concerning Communist Party membership was unlawful and applied 
to the district court for declaratory relief. The district court and the 
court of appeals decided against them. The Supreme Court granted 
certiorari on November 25, 1957. 

Two months later, the Supreme Comt agreed to review the case of 
Weldon Bruce Dayton, whose request for a passport had been denied 
and which denial, like Kent's and Briehl's, had been upheld by the 
United States district court and the court of appeals. Dayton, a 
native-born citizen and physicist, was connected with various Federal 
projects. He had also been associated as a teacher with several 
imiversities. In March 1954 he applied for a passport to travel to 
India for the purpose, he said, of acceptmg a position as research 
physicist at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, affiliated 
with the University of Bombay. 

The du-ector of the Passport Office advised him that his application 
was denied because the Department of State "feels that it would be 
contrary to the best interests of the United States to provide you 
passport facilities at this time." Dayton's "associations," suggesting 
involvement in nuclear espionage, as will hereafter appear, were too 
du'ect to escape the attention of a government having a duty and 
resolve to prevent it. 

Upon receipt of notice of refusal, Dayton conferred with the Pass- 
port Office and, as a result, executed an affidavit by which he said, in 
part, "I am not now and I have never been a member of the Com- 
munist Party." He further denied that he had ever engaged "so far 
as I know" in any activities in support of the Communist movement; 
that his "sole purpose" in going abroad was to engage in research in 
physics; and that his going abroad "so far as I know or can imagine" 


would not in any way advance the Communist movement. Despite 
this affidavit, Dayton's application for a passport was refused. 

Dayton appealed to the Board of Passport Appeals. A hearing 
was held at which witnesses for him and for the State Department 
testified. After further proceedings and review by the Secretary of 
State, the application was finally refused on the basis of section 51.135 
of the previously mentioned regulations. 

The Secretary of State had found that Dayton, while at the Uni- 
versity of CaUfornia, had been chairman of an organization — the 
Science for Victory Committee — conceived and organized by Com- 
munist Party officials as a front for propaganda and espionage activi- 
ties; that he was closely associated with persons identified as Com- 
munists who were involved in the nuclear espionage apparatus of 
Julius Rosenberg; that since 1938 Dayton had maintained close 
association and relationship with Bernard Peters, an identified member 
of the Commmiist Party and a suspected espionage agent actively 
engaged in support of Communist Party activities both here and 
abroad. (Peters had renounced his American citizenship in 1955 and 
was, in fact, responsible for Dayton's offer of employment at the Tata 
Institute in India, where Peters was to work in close collaboration 
with him.) 

On June 16, 1958, the Supreme Court held that the denial of pass- 
ports to Kent, Briehl, and Dayton was unconstitutional. The Dayton 
case was reversed on the basis of the Court's opinion in Kent and 
Briehl. The decisions were 5-4. The majority opinions were written 
for the Coui't by Air. Justice Douglas. Mr. Justice Clark wrote the 
dissenting opinions, in which he was joined by Justices Burton, Harlan, 
and Whittaker. 

Writing for the majority in Kent and Briehl, Mr. Justice Douglas 
stated that the Court did not reach the question of constitutionality, 
but concluded only that neither of the applicable statutes, namely, 
section 1185 of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1950 (Title 8, 
U.S.C.) and section 211a of the Passport Act of 1926 (22 U.S.C.),i'^ 
delegated to the Secretary of State the kind of authority which he had 
exercised in these cases. He said, 'Tf we were dealing with political 
questions entrusted to the Chief Executive by the Constitution, we 
would have a different case." ^^ 

18 These Statutes are set forth in the preceding recommendation II "Area Restraints on Travel," supra 
at pp. 76-89. 

17 The hne distinguishing "political questions" from "judicial questions," however, is not clearly drawn. 
In the foregoing section of this report, the committee dealt with area restraints on travel (denials of special 
validations of passports) appUed against the travel of Worthy, Frank, and Porter to certain countries. These 
are to be distinguished from individual restraints (denials of passports for any travel abroad) imposed upon 
Kent, Briehl, and Dayton. 

The authority for the area restriction imposed on travel to Cuba by the President is said to be the exercise 
of his inherent or implied constitutional power to conduct the foreign affairs of the United States, requiring 
no congressional support to estabhsh its validity. Such restrictions bar travel of all citizens, regardless of 
individual "associations" or activities. Moreover, the imposition of such area restrictions, the committee 
suggests, is to be regarded principally as "political questions," about which courts have repeatedly denied 
their competence to judge. As the Court said in Chicago & Southern Air Lines, Inc. v. Waterman Steamship 
Corp., 333 U.S. 103 (1948), at HI: ^ 

"The President, l.)oth as Commander-in-Chief and as the Nation's organ for foreign affairs, has available 
intelligence services whose reports are not and ought not to be published to the world. It would be 
intolerable that courts, without the relevant information, should review and perhaps lUiUiiy actions of 
the Executive taken on information properly held secret. Nor can courts sit in camera in order to be 
taken into executive confidences. Bvt even il courts could require full disclosure, the very nrtiirc of exeat- 
live decisions a« to foreign policy is political, not judicial. Such decision's are loholly confided by our Con- 
stitution to the political departments of the government. Executive nni Legislative. They are dolicate, com- 
plex, and involve large elements of prophecy. They are and should be undertaken only by those 
directly responsible to the people whose welfare they advance or imperil. They are decisions of a kind for 
which the .Judiciary has neither aptitude, facilities nor responsibility and which has long been held to belong 
in the domain of political power not subject to judicial intrusion or inquiry." [Emphasis added.] 
It would certainly seem that the imposition of individual restraints in aid of the national security involves 
"political" questions. One of the principal objectives of foreign policy is the preservation of the national 
security. The restrictions on individual travel of Communists obviously has this objective. 


He stated, however, that there was more involved here. While the 
issuance of a passport carries some implication of intention to extend 
diplomatic protection, its crucial function today, he said, is control 
over exit. He added: 

And, as we have seen, the right of exit is a personal 
right included within the word 'liberty" as used in the 
Fifth Amendment. If that "liberty" is to be regulated, it 
must be pursuant to the law-making functions of the Con- 
gress. * * * And, if that power is delegated, the standards 
must be adequate to pass scrutiny by the accepted tests. 

Where activities such as travel are involved, he continued, the 
Court would construe narrowly all delegated powers that would 
curtail them. The Com"t would not find in the broad, generalized 
power conferred by the foregoing statutes any authority "to trench 
so heavily on the rights of the citizen." He pointed out that the only 
law Congress had passed expressly curtailing the movement of Com- 
munists^section 6 of the Internal Secmity Act of 1950 — had not then 
become effective. It would be "strange to infer," he said, that 
pending the effectiveness of that law the Secretary would have been 
silently granted by Congress the larger power to curtaU the free 
movement of citizens. 

One may or may not reasonably agree with the precise holding of 
the Court, namely, that neither section 1185 nor section 211a 
delegated to the Secretary of State the power which he exercised. 

Four members of the Supreme Court did not agree, and their 
argument to the contrary seems persuasive. Nevertheless, should 
Congress in fact now act to fiU the void, the issue then remains 
whether certain individual restraints may be imposed on those liberties 
claimed by certain citizens. 

Section 6 of the Internal Security Act, previously referred to, 
reads as follows: 

(a) When a Communist organization * * * is registered, 
or there is in effect a final order of the Board requiring such 
organization to register, it shall be unlawful for any member 
of such organization, with knowledge or notice * * * that 
such order has become final — 

(1) to make application for a passport, or the renewal of a 
passport, to be issued or renewed by or under the authority 
of the United States; or 

(2) to use or attempt to use any such passport. 

This section was adopted following the receipt of abundant evidence 
by this committee, and other committees of Congress, that travel and 
use of passports by Communists posed positive dangers to the national 
security and impaired the execution of American foreign policy. An 
express finding relating to such travel was incorporated in sec. 2(8) of 
the act, as foUows: 

Due to the nature and scope of the world Communist 
movement, with the existence of affiliated constituent ele- 
ments working toward common objectives in various coun- 
tries of the world, travel of Communist members, repre- 
sentatives, and agents from country to country facilitates 
communication and is a prerequisite for the carrying on of 


activities to further the purposes of the Communist move- 

Section 6 of the Internal Security Act became effective on October 
20, 1961, the date the order of the Su})versive Activities Control Board 
directing the Conununist Party of the United States to rejrister under 
section 7 of the act as a "Communist-action organization"'^ became 
final. The res^istration order had been earlier upheld by the Supreme 
Court in its decision in Communist Party of the United States v. Sub- 
versive Activities Control Board, 367 U.S. 1, decided June 5, 1961. 

Subsequent to this decision, the Passport Office of the Department 
of State in January 1962 notified Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and Herbert 
Aptheker, top leaders and paid functionaries of the Communist Party 
(and respectively its national chairman and the editor of its theoretical 
organ. Political A fairs) , that the passports which they held, and which 
had been issued prior to the promulgation of the final registration 
order of the Board, were revoked because the Department of State 
believed their use of their passports would violate section 6 of the act. 

Aptheker and Flynn requested, and received, hearings to review 
the revocation. After being denied relief in appropriate review 
proceedings, they took their case to the United States Supreme 
Court. Thej'^ alleged that section 6 was unconstitutional and violated 
the fifth amendment as a deprivation, without due process of law, of 
their constitutional liberty to travel abroad. Their contention was 
upheld in a decision of the Court rendered June 22, 1964. 

Mr. Justice Goldberg, writing for the Court, '^ observed that a 
governmental purpose to control or prevent activities constitutionally 
subject to regulation may not be achieved "by means which sweep 
unnecessarily broadly and thereby invade the area of protected free- 
doms." He rejected the argument of the dissenters that section 6 
was constitutional as applied to Aptheker and Flynn and hence was 
not to be voided by the Court in view of the principle that those to 
whom a statute may be constitutionally applied will not be heard to 
attack the statute on the ground that it might be unconstitutionally 
applied as to other persons. He — with Justices Warren, Black, 
Douglas, and Brennan concurring — held the statute to be unconsti- 
tutional on its face, irrespective of the fact that it might, under a 
limited construction, be constitutionally applied to some. In reaching 
this conclusion, he advanced four principal reasons. 

He first observed that section 6 swept within its prohibition both 
"knowing and unknowing members" [of the Communist Party]. He 
wrote that where the fact of membership in a group has been made 
the criterion for hmiting the individual's freedom, this cannot be 
done without regard to the knowledge of such person concerning the 
organization to which he belonged. He pointed out that in a prior 
decision the Court had held the due process guarantee of the Constitu- 
tion to be violated when a State, in attempting to bar disloyal in- 
dividuals from its employ, excluded persons solely on the basis of 
organizational memberships without regard to their knowledge 
concerning the organizations to which they belonged. This, he 
indicated, was an indiscriminate classification of innocent with 

18 That is, as IVIr. Justice Douglas said, "a disciplined organization operating in this Nation under Soviet 
Union control to install Soviet-style dictatorship in the United States." 

IS Separate concurring opinions were filed by Justices Black and Douglas. Dissenting were Justices 
Clark, Harlan, and White. 

5.3-.323— 65 8 


knowing activity and, therefore, a constitutionally prohibited as- 
sertion of arbitrary power. 

Mr, Justice Goldberg also held that section 6 rendered irrelevant 
the member's degree of activity in the organization and his commit- 
ment to its purposes. He said these factors, like knowledge of the 
organization's purposes, would bear on the likelihood that the travel 
by such a person would be attended by the type of activity which 
Congress sought to control. He noted, as the Court had previously 
elsewhere noted, that men adhering to an organization or poUtical 
party do not always subscribe unqualifiedly to all its platforms or 
asserted principles. The evil of section 6 was, he said, that it es- 
tablished an "irrebuttable presumption" that individuals who are 
members of specified organizations would, if given passports, engage 
in activities inimical to the security of the United States. He re- 
iterated the contention that, even assuming that some members of 
the Communist Party had illegal aims, it cannot be inferred automati- 
cally that all members shared their evil purposes or participated in 
their illegal conduct. 

The third argument advanced by the Court in condemnation of 
section 6 Avas that this section applies to the Communist Party member 
regardless of the purpose for which he wished to travel. Mr. Justice 
Goldberg said that the effect of the statute was to proscribe travel for 
innocent purposes; that, for example, it would be a crime for a member 
of the registered organization to apply for a passport to travel abroad 
to visit a sick relative or to receive medical treatment or for some other 
wholly innocent purpose. He noted also that section 6 applied re- 
gardless of the "security-sensiti"saty" of the areas in which the member 
wished to travel. The individual might desire to visit a relative or 
to read manuscripts in some library abroad. 

Related to the Court's third objection was its final one, that in 
passing upon the constitutionality of the abridgment of "liberty," it 
was important for Congress to consider that it has within its power 
"less drastic" means of achieving the congressional objective of safe- 
guarding our national security. Mr. Justice Goldberg pointed out, 
as an example, the Federal Employee Loyalty Program under which, 
by executive order, membership in a Communist organization was not 
considered conclusive, but only as one factor to be weighed in the 
totality of factors. He furthei* observed that the legislation proposed 
by President Eisenhower, following the decision in Kent-Briehl, 
supra, did not make membership in a Communist organization, with- 
out more, a disqualification for obtaining a passport. He suggested 
that such proposals demonstrated the conviction of the executive 
branch "that our national security can be adequately protected by 
means which, when compared with section 6, are more discrimi- 
nately tailored to the constitutional liberties of individuals." 

In the decisions discussed in this section, the Supreme Court made 
it clear that it viewed the individual's right to travel as a fundamental 
right that could not be lightly denied or curbed. Nowhere in any of 
these decisions did it hold, however, that under no cu"cumstances could 
an individual be denied a passport. It found only that the statute and 
regulations at issue in these decisions failed to meet certain tests of 
necessity and explicitness. Its decisions serve as a guide for the enact- 
ment of legislation which would meet these tests. 


The Iiitornal Secm-ity Act, reported ])y this coiiiinittee. it should be 
emphasized, was designed to control certain Communist Party activi- 
ties. Although section 6 of this act barred passports to members of 
the Communist Party, this section was never intended to serve as 
general passport security legislation. It whs a proA'ision of the act 
designed to deprive persons who were formally, or technically, mem- 
bers of the Communist Party of one of the weapons they had been 
using in their efforts to undermine the United States. 

Therefore, even if section G of the Internal Security Act had been 
upheld by the Supreme Court, there would still be need for legislation 
to close the security gap in the area of passports created by the Kent- 
Briehl-Dayton decisions of 1958. Two years before these decisions 
were handed down, the committee, as previously mentioned, pointed 
out in its Annual Report for the Year 1956 that there was no specific 
legislative authorization for the Secretary of State to deny passports 
to any individual. It made the same point in annual reports issued 
subsequent to 1958 and prior to the June 1964 Supreme Court decision 
holding section 6 unconstitutional. 

It is apparent that travel abroad by persons other than formal 
Communist Party members can seriously impair the national and 
security interests of the United States. This would be true of any 
person, for example, who was engaged in espionage, no matter what 
country he was serving by his spy acti\dties. Communist espionage 
agents, of course, assiduously avoid Communist Party "membership." 
They, as the committee has recognized from the beginning, would not 
be impeded in their movements by the Internal Secm-ity Act. Other 
legislation is necessary to deal with the problem of both Communist 
and non-Communist espionage agents and persons of other types 
whose travel abroad would be detrimental to national interests. 

SecmityAvise, the June 1964 decision of the Supreme Court holding 
section 6 of the Internal Security Act unconstitutional throws the 
country back to the period inmiediately following the Kent-Briehl- 
Dayton decisions of June 1958, when there was absolutely no effective 
security legislation in the passport field. Today, the highest-ranking 
officials of the Commmiist Party commute between Moscow and the 
United States at will. There is no way for the executive branch to 
halt this traffic in subversion unless Congress acts. 

The committee urgently recommends, as it has for a number of 
years, the enactment of legislation conferring upon the Secretary of 
State explicit authority to deny passports to all persons whose travel 
abroad would be contrary to the interests and the national security 
of this comitry. 


The need for clarification of congressional intent with respect to the 
terms "advocate" and "teach" as used in the Smith Act of 1940, is 
indicated by the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Yates v. 
United States, 354 U.S. 298 (1957). 

The Smith Act, as amended, provides that: 

Whoever knowingly or willfully advocates, abets, advises, 
or teaches the duty, necessity, desirability, or propriety of 
overthi'o^ving or destroying the government of the United 
States or the government of any State, Territory, District 
or Possession thereof, or the government of any political sub- 


division therein, by force or violence, or by the assassination 
of any ofl&cer of any such government; or 

Whoever, with intent to cause the overthrow or destruc- 
tion of any such government, prints, pubhshes, edits, issues, 
circulates, sells, distributes, or publicly displays any \vi'itten 
or printed matter advocating, advising, or teaching the duty, 
necessity, desiiability, or propriety of overthrowing or de- 
stroying any government in the United States by force or 
violence, or attempts to do so; or 

Whoever organizes or helps or attempts to organize any 
society, group, or assembly of persons who teach, advocate, 
or encourage the overthrow or destruction of any such gov- 
ernment by force or violence; or becomes or is a member of, 
or affiliates with, any such society, group, or assembly of per- 
sons, knowing the purpose thereof — 

Shall be fined not more than $20,000 or imprisoned not more 
than twenty j^ears, or both, and shall be ineligible for em- 
ploj^ment by the United States or any department, or agency 
thereof, for the five years next following his conviction. 

If two or more persons conspire to commit any offense 
named in this section, each shall be fined not more than 
$20,000 or imprisoned not more than twenty years, or both, 
and shall be ineligible for employment by the United States 
or any department or agency thereof, for the five years next 
following his conviction. (18 U.S.C. 2385)2" 

Prior to June 17, 1957, the date Yates v. United States was decided^ 
and following the adoption of the Smith Act in 1940, the Department 
of Justice prosecuted 146 leading Communist Party functionaries for 
violation of the Smith Act. Of this number, a total of 109 party 
members were convicted at trial in the district courts of the Nation. 
Of the total of 109 persons convicted, only 38 convictions were sus- 
tained on appeal or certiorari. The bulk of the convictions were 
reversed as a consequence of the principles enunciated in Yates v. 
United States, a decision which dealt a severe blow to the effectiveness 
of the Smith Act, hitherto the principal legislation aimed toward 
the containment of the Communist conspiracy within the United 
States. It is significant that not one single Smith Act prosecution 
has been instituted by the Department of Justice since the decision 
in that case of June 17, 1957. If the Smith Act is again to become 
an important weapon against the Communist conspiracy, it is vital 
that the Congress strengthen the act by the adoption of legislation 
which would renew its effectiveness. 

The Yates case was a prosecution charging 14 leaders of the Com- 
munist Party with conspu'ing to advocate and teach the duty and 
necessity of overthrowing the Government of the United States by 
force and violence and to organize as the Commimist Party of the 
United States a society of persons who so advocate and teach, with 
the intent of causing the overthrow of the Govermnent by force and 
violence as speedily as circumstances would permit. The 14 defend- 
so As a result of the Yates decision, this section was amended by adding the following new paragraph: 
"As used in this section, the terms 'organizes' and 'organize', with respect to any society, group, or 
assembly of persons, include the recruiting of new members, the forming of new units, and the regroup- 
ing or expansion of existing clubs, classes, and other units of such society, group, or assembly of persons,"' 
(Public Law 87-486, approved June 19, 1962) 


ARts were convicted at trial, and each of tlieni was sentenced to 5 yeai-s' 
iinprisonnient and a fine o[ $10,000. The court of appeals affirmed. 
Upon grant of certiorari by the Supreme Court, the convictions were 
reversed. Although a new trial was awarded as to some of the 
defendants, the Department of Justice was unable to prosecute in view 
of the principles enunciated hi Yateis, and abandoned the prosecutions. 
In the district court, at trial of the defendants in Yates, the trial 
<'ourt had clearly charged that the holding of a belief or opinion did 
not constitute advocacy or teaching; that the Smith Act did not 
prohibit persons who may believe that the violent overthrow of the 
Government is probable or inevitable from expressing that belief; and 
that any advocacy or teaching \vhich did not include the urging of 
force or violence as the means of overthrowhig the Government w^as 
not within the charge of the indictment. The trial court histructed 
the jury that: 

The kind of advocacy and teaching which is charged and 
upon which 3'our verdict must be reached is not merely a 
desirability but a necessity that the Government of the 
United States be overthrown and destroyed by force and 
violence and not merely a propriety but a duty to overthrow 
and destroy the Government of the United States by force 
and \'iolence. 

Yet the majority of the Supreme Court reversed a trial of 4 months' 
duration and held that this charge was inadequate; that the court 
should have added expressions that such advocacy and teaching must 
be "a call for action" and done — 

"with the intent that such teaching and advocacy be of a 
rule or principle of action and by language reasonabl}^ and 
ordinarily calculated to incite persons to such action * * *." 

This is certainly a difference without a distinction. Is not the 
teaching of a "necessity" and the imposition of a "duty" to overthrow 
the Government (to quote the trial court's instruction) a "call for 
action" and a "principle of action" ordinarily calculated to "incite" 
persons to act (to quote the Supreme Court; ? It is stronger; it 
imposes an obligation to act. Is not the advocacy of that duty, as 
necessity, together with the urging of force and violence, an intentional 
incitement? -^ 

In dissenting, \lr. Justice Clark pointed out that the majority 
decision in Yates was "an exercise in semantics and indulgence in 
distinctions too 'subtle and difficult to grasp'." Reminding the Court 
that the conspiracy in Yates included the same group of defendants 
as in Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494 (1951), and United States 
V. Flynn, 216 F. 2d 354 (1954), although the defendants in Yates 
occupied a lower echelon in the party hierarchy, and reminding the 
majority that the convictions in Dennis and Flynn were based upon 
evidence closely pai-alleling that in Yates, he found the decision in 
Yates incomprehensible. He said: 

I thought that Dennis merely held that a charge w^as suf- 
ficient where it requires a finding that "the Party advocates 

''This was, in effect, long ago recognized by Justice Holmes (dissenting, in GUloio v. Nero York, 268 U.S. 
652, at 673), wiio wrote: "It is said that tliis manifesto was more than a theory, that it was an incitement. 
It offers itself for belief and if believed it is acted on unless some other belief outweighs it or some failure of 
energy stifles the movement at its birth. The only diflerence between the expression of an opinion and an 
incitement in the narrower sense is the speaker's enthusiasm for the result." 


the theory that there is a duty and necessity to overthrow the 
Government by force and violence . . . not as a prophetic 
insight or as a bit of . . . speculation, but as a program 
for winning adherents and as a policy to be translated into 
action" as soon as the circumstances permit. 

An example of the residt of the Yates decision was a reversal in 
1958 of the prior conviction of six second-rank Communist leaders 
for violation of the Smith Act, on appeal to the circuit court of ap- 
peals in the case of United States v. James E. Jackson, et al., 257 F. 
2d 830 (CCA. 2, 1958). This decision was based upon the so-called 
call-for-action test laid down by the Supreme Court of the United 
States in the Yates case. In commenting upon the holding in Yates, 
the court stated: 

In distinguishing this extremely narrow difference between 
the advocacy or teaching which constitutes a violation and 
that which does not, the Supreme Court said: "The essential 
distinction is that those to whom the advocacy is addressed 
must be urged to do something, now or in the future, rather 
than merely believe in something." 

Six years ago, in its Annual Report Jor the Year 1958, this committee 
noted the holding in United St<ites v. James E. Jackson, et al., and 
now repeats what it then said: 

The committee is of the opinion that the Supreme Coiu"t of 
the United States in the Yates case, in attempting to con- 
strue the terms "advocate" and "teach" as terms of art, 
wholly failed to ascertain the obvious intent of Congress as 
disclosed by the customary meaning of those terms when used 
in conjunction with the terms "duty" and "necessity" as 
used in the act. The question of whether advocacy and 
teaching of the duty and necessity of overthrowing the Gov- 
ernment by use of force and violence constitutes mere 
advocacy and teaching of an abstract doctrine or whether it is 
advocacy or teaching directed at promoting of unlawful action, 
was neither considered nor decided by the Court in the Yates 
case. To construe the terms "advocate" and "teach" out of 
the context in which thej^ were used could only result in doing 
violence to the plain intent of Congress in the use of those 

The committee considers it essential that the Smith Act be but- 
tressed by the adoption of appropriate legislation toward that end. 

It is believed that this would be accomplished by enacting statutory 
definitions of "advocate," "teach," "duty," "necessity," "force," and 
"violence" so that it would be clear to the courts the type of acts 
Congress intends to be outlawed by the Smith Act. 


It is recommended that legislation be adopted: 

(1) Making it a Federal offense to obtain or attempt to obtain 
money or property by any scheme to defraud, or through any 
false or fraudulent representation, or by concealing or covering 
up by any trick, scheme, or device a material fact for the purpose 


of proinotins: the interests or benefitino; the government of a 
foreign country, a foreign political party, any alien resident 
abroad, or any association, partnersliip, corporation or other 
combination of individuals organizetl under the laws of, or 
having its principal place of business in, a foreign country. 

(2) To establish a system of licensing or registration of persons 

who solicit from residents of the United States any money or 

property for such pm'poses, requiring, inter alia, a detailed 

accounting of the disposition of any such money or property 

received which shall be open to public inspection. 

The need for legislation on this subject appeared as a result of 

investigations and hearings conducted bj' this conmiittee recently 

and over the course of prior years. Extensive fund-raising activities 

are conducted by United States Communists in the interest of the 

revolutionary movement here and abroad. The evidence reveals 

that the Communists, in seeking support from the American public 

at large, do not make a full disclosure either of their identity or true 


Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 

This matter was most recently brought to the attention of the 
committee in its investigation of an activity of the Veterans of the 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade, a Communist-front organization which, 
under the false representation of assisting "striking workers," has 
in fact sought contributions of money and property from United 
States citizens for the purpose of assisting the Communist under- 
ground in Spain. (See U.S. Commmiist Party Assistance to Foreign 
Communist Parties — Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, Hearing 
before the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. Government 
Printing Office, 1963.) 

On July 29, 1963, the committee received the testmiony of Moe 
(Mosess) Fishman, executive secretary of the Veterans of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade, an organization which maintains its offices at Room 
405, 49 E. 21st Street, New York City. This organization was cited 
as subversive and Communist by the Attorney General in 1947. In 
proceedings under the Internal Security Act of 1950, it has been found 
by the Subversive Activities Control Board to be a Communist-front 
organization. The findings of the Board were, on December 17, 1963, 
affirmed by the United States Court of Appeals for the District of 
Columbia. The case is presently before the Supreme Court for 
disposition on certiorari. 

The VALB has also been cited as a Communist front by the Special 
Committee on Un-American Activities and by this committee. 

Mr. Fishman was subpenaed to testify before the committee be- 
cause, in the early part of 1963, advertisements bearing the caption 
"What About The Children?" were placed in the Communist Partj^ 
newspaper, The Worker, and in the National Guardian by the Veterans 
of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 

The ads were the opening of a campaign to solicit money and other 
assistance, allegedly on behalf of the wives and children of men in 
Spain "now imprisoned because they dared to take part in the great 
strikes of 1962." Readers w^ere urged to make one of these families 
their concern. 


They were asked to clip a coupon printed in the advertisement, 
fill it out, mail it to the VALB "and find out how you can help. We 
will put you in du-ect contact with a Spanish family and tell you 
how you can help them." 

This coupon contained, in addition to other material, the following 
insert: "I want to make a contribution. Here it is *$ ." 

The footnote to this line mdicated by the asterisk, read: "Please 
make checks to: M. Fishman, Secretary." 

The committee's hearing revealed that, in response to readers' 
requests for details, Mr. Fishman had forwarded letters soliciting 
good used clothing and giving the names and addresses of persons in 
Spain to whom the clothing should be forwarded. 

Six letters which the VALB had mailed to persons who had re- 
sponded to its advertisements — each one containing the name and 
address of a different family in Spain — were introduced in the hearing 
record. Only one of the six families had a member who was actually 
jailed during the strikes in Spain in the spring of 1962 — and that in- 
dividual had been imprisoned for activity in Communist cells as well 
as for strike activity, but had been released from prison 2 months 
before the VALB first advertised for aid to families of the alleged 
imprisoned Spanish strikers. With that exception, all of the others 
had family members who had been imprisoned for Communist activity 
prior to the 1962 strikes. The husband of one had been released 
from jail 16 years earlier and was not even residing in Spain at the 
time of VALB activity in behalf of his family. 

Mr. Fishman was asked how many persons had responded to the 
VALB plea for financial contributions and used clothing. He invoked 
the fifth amendment in refusing to respond to the question. 

Fishman, a veteran Communist Party member, has long been 
active in seeking assistance from the United States public in aid of 
international operations of the Communist movement. His activities 
have centered mainly on assisting the Spanish Communist apparatus. 

During the Spanish Civil War, Mr. Fishman had served in the 
International Brigade from 1937 to 1938. Later, after returning to 
the United States, he was placed in charge of the warehouse of the 
Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee (JAFRC), an organization 
cited as subversive by the Attorney General in 1947, which operated 
what was called the Spanish Refugee Appeal. 

The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, established in 1942, 
represented itself as a purely "philanthropic" organization which 
provided relief and rehabilitation, without regard to "creed," to 
thousands of individuals exiled from their homelands following the 
Spanish Civil War. 

According to testimony received before the Subversive Activities 
Control Board, Mr. Fishman assisted in packing JAFRC materials 
and supplies which were ostensibly going to persons in Spain suffering 
under Franco's regime but which were actually being sent to the 
Communist underground in Spain. When asked {ibout his activities 
in this respect during the course of the committee's hearing of July 29, 
1963, Mr. Fishman declared that the "public record" showed that the 
clothes collected by the "Spanish Refugee Appeal" were "administered 
and distributed solely by the Quakers and Unitarians of the United 

The public record does not substantiate Mr. Fishman's claim. 
While World War II was in progress, the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee 


Coiniuittee was required to submit financial reports to the President's 
War Relief Control Board. These reports indicate that from 1942 
until mi(l-1945, $67,986, representino- only about 12% of the total 
wartime relief collections of the JAFIIC, had been distributed by the 
American Friends Service Conunittee in France and North Africa and 
that $114,360 — 21% of the JAFRC wartime relief— was distributed bv 
the Unitarian Service Committee in France, Switzerland, Portugal, 
and Spain. 

Thus, only 33% of the JAFRC's wartime collections was distributed 
by the two groups which Mr. Fishman claimed were the sole admin- 
istrators and distributors of these funds. Who managed and dis- 
tributed the other 67% — ^and who received the portion of it which was 
distributed as relief? 

This unanswered question assumes considerable importance in view 
of the following facts: 

1. The director of the Unitarian Service Committee's European 
relief activities from the spring of 1941 until the fall of 1947 was Noel 
Field, a former State Department employee and a member of an 
underground Communist cell within the United States Government, 
who has lived behind the Iron Curtain since 1949. 

2. Almost half the JAFRC's wartime collections were sent to a 
local "relief" organization in Mexico, headed by Vicente Lombardo 
Toledano, an avowed Marxist and well-kiiown leader of Communist- 
dominated Latin American labor unions. 

3. Gerhart Eisler, for many years the secret boss of the U.S. 
Communist Party as Moscow's Comintern representative in the 
United States, was on the paji'oU of the JAFRC and was paid more 
than $6,000 by the organization during the years 1942-1946 under the 
name "Juhus Eisman." During that time Eisler rendezvoused with 
officials of the Communist Partv, U.S.A., in the New York offices of 
the JAFRC. 

In 1953, the Attorney General instituted proceedings to compel the 
JAFRC to register as a Communist front under the terms of the 
Internal Security Act. The organization dissolved in February 1955, 
prior to the termination of these proceedings. 

Earlier, however, during the course of a public inquiry into its 
activities by the New York State Joint Legislative Committee on 
Charitable and Philanthropic Agencies and Organizations in 1955, the 
JAFRC refused to provide the investigating committee with records 
relating to where and how its funds were disbursed, and its officials 
invoked the fifth amendment in response to questions on the subject. 

The New York State committee reported that there was reason to 
doubt the accuracy of the few incomplete records produced by the 
JAFRC and noted that, although the organization's books showed a 
total collection of $1,325,010 as of the end of 1954, fund raising and 
administrative expenses were taking 78 cents of every dollar raised 
from the public and "there is reason to assume that a good part of 
the receipts raised from the pubhc * * * went to provide jobs to 
support the faithful members of the Communist Party." 

The Communist Party of the United States, as well as "independ- 
ent" and dissident Marxist-Leninist groups, frequently render assist- 
ance to Communists in other countries and places in the world by 
fraudulent or dubious relief campaigns of one kind or another. This 
prosperous country — prosperous because it is free — will pay the toll 
for its own funeral if Communists have their way. 


Recent committee hearings relating to the activities of two other 
Communist-front groups formed in the United States, namely, the 
Medical Aid to Cuba Committee and the Friends of British Guiana, 
both of which were engaged in propaganda and fund-raising activities, 
fm-ther illustrate "rehef" and financial aid which Communists in the 
United States have given to Communists abroad. 

Medical Aid to Cuba Committee 

The Medical Aid to Cuba Committee (MACC) was formed in 
October 1961, with offices in New York City. It was dissolved on 
January 31, 1963, following the U.S. agreement to provide $25 
million worth of medical supplies to the Castro government of Cuba 
in exchange for its release of 1,113 men held prisoner after their 
capture in the Bay of Pigs invasion. 

At the time of its dissolution, the MACC claimed to have purchased 
and shipped several tons of medicines to Cuba with contributions 
which had been made by the public in response to its appeals. It 
also stated that it had sent to Cuba "substantial gifts" of medicines 
and medical supplies which had been donated to it and a shipment of 
medical books and journals. 

Melitta del Villar (Mrs. Louis J. Amster) was chairman of MACC. 
The medical director was Dr. Louis Miller. The fii'st treasurer was 
Albert Baker, who served from the time of the group's formation 
until February 1962. He was succeeded by Sidney J. Gluck, who 
remained in office until the group's dissolution. 

In hearings held by the committee in November 1962, Mrs. del 
Villar testified that by May of 1962 the organization had collected 
between $20,000 and $30,000 for medical refief to Cuba. She refused 
t<3 discuss her personal attitude toward the Communist dictatorship 
established by Castro in Cuba. When confronted with committee 
evidence, however, she did admit membership in, and speaking engage- 
ments on behalf of, the notoriously pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba 

Committee efforts to subpena Dr. Miller for the hearings were 
unsuccessful. Mrs. del Villar testified that she had not been personally 
acquainted with Dr. Miller before inviting him to serve as medical 
director of the organization and that she could not recall who had 
recommended him to her. 

When informed by the committee that Dr. Miller had been one of 
the "principal New York contacts" of Soviet espionage agent Arthur 
Alexandro\dch Adams,^^ and that Louis Budenz had testified that he 
had met Dr. Miller during the 1940's at enlarged meetings of the 
National Committee of the Communist Party, Mrs. del Villar stated 
that she knew nothing about Dr. Miller's Communist background. 

Sidney Gluck, treasurer of the MACC, had previously been identi- 
fied as a member of the Communist Party by Mrs. Mildred Blauvelt, 
an undercover agent in the Communist Party for the New York City 
Police Department, when she testified before this committee on May 3, 
1955, In his appearance before the committee in its hearings on the 
Medical Aid to Cuba Committee, Mr. Gluck invoked the fifth amend- 
ment in response to questions concerning present and past membership 

22 Report on Soviet Espionage Activities in Connection with the] Atom Bomb, House Committee on Un- 
American Activities, September 28, 1948:174. 

un-a:merican activities annual report 105 

in the Communist Party, Mrs. Blauvelt's identification of him, and 
other Communist activities. 

In the course of her testimony, the connnittee ])ointed out to Mrs. 
del Vilhir tlnit it had l)een the i)r}ictice of Communist ii;overmuents 
in the past to make poHtical use of rehef, whether in the form of food, 
ch)thing, or medical suppHes, by distributing- it to Comnmnist Party 
members ami collaborators and withhoklin<2; it from those not con- 
sidered loyal to the reiiime. Slie was then asked wiiether or not the 
MACC had made any follow-up to determine how the medicines and 
medical supplies it had shipped to Cuba were distributed. 

Mrs. del Villar admitted that there had been no follow-up and 
claimed to be ignorant of the usual Communist practice of making 
political use of relief. She also claimed, however, to have "complete 
confidence" that the supplies were being distributed in Cuba on the 
basis of need. The supplies, she said, were sent to the National 
Hospital in Havana, and the director of this hospital, Dr. Martha 
Frayde, communicated with the MACC on Cuba's medical needs. 

The committee also received the testimony of tlu-ee Cuban refugee 
doctors who had escaped to the United States after Castro's seizure 
of power. All three testified that there was a shortage of medical 
supplies in Cuba. Dr. Emilio V. Soto stated, however, that, when he 
left Cuba in August of 1960 American drug manufacturing fii-ms were 
still operating in Cuba and supplying medicines to the medical pro- 
fession. He expressed the belief that the shortage had been deliber- 
ately created by Castro to promote anti-U.S. feelmg in Cuba. 

Dr. "X," identified only as such in order to protect relatives in 
Cuba from reprisals, stated that when he left Cuba in 1962 very few 
American medical supplies were available. He expressed the belief 
that the shortage was caused by the government's inability to purchase 
sufficient quantities, combined with the Soviet Union's failure to 
provide medical supplies of the quality to which Cubans were accus- 
tomed. He stated that the government controlled all medical sup- 
plies and that no private hospitals remained in Cuba. He also testi- 
fied that Dr. Frayde, to whom the MACC sent its medical aid, was a 
weU-known Communist. 

Dr. Jose G. Tremols, who came to this country in the latter part of 
1960, stated that he had been part owner of a private hospital when 
he left Cuba and the hospital was not able to obtain needed supplies, 
but that it did get some items through one of its interns who "had 
very good relations with the government." 


The Medical Aid to Cuba Committee, as is clear from its name, 
made no effort to conceal the fact that it was sending aid to a country 
which was generally recognized as Communist controlled. It pro- 
claimed, however — in public statements— that its aid was "non- 
political" and "strictly humanitarian." 

The facts indicate there is reason to doubt these claims and that 
there was fraud and concealment of material facts in its public appeals 
and operations : 

1. In a brochure listing its officers and sponsors, the MACC 
omitted any notice of the fact that its treasurer and medical du-ector 
were identified Communists. 

Moreover, in a quarter-page advertisement placed in the New 
York Timeni of November 13, 1962, the MACC listed its chairman, 
Alelitta del Villar, and the names of its sponsors, but omitted the 


names of these two officers, Sidney Gliick, the treasurer, and Dr, 
Louis Miller, the medical director. In a marked departure from 
normal practice in such cases, which calls for contributions being sent 
to an organization's treasurer, contributors were directed to make 
checks payable to Elizabeth Sutherland, whose name also appeared 
in the ad as one of the group's sponsors. Miss del Villar testified 
that Elizabeth Sutherland had been chosen for this role because she 
had a "beautiful name." Miss Sutherland acknowledged in testimony 
before the committee that she had "acted as nominal treasurer for 
the purposes of this advertisement." She also admitted that she had 
formerly been a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

Also, in regard to the organization's claim that it was "nonpolitical," 
it is significant that Helen Travis, Harriett Buhai, Jean Kid well 
Pestana, Rose Rosenberg, and Dr. Murray Abowitz were associated 
in various capacities with the activities of the Los Angeles Medical 
Aid to Cuba Committee — and all have been identified as members 
of the Communist Party. 

2. The previously mentioned ad in the New York Times said that 
the MACC was sending drugs and supplies to Cuba "for free dis- 
tribution to sick men, women and children of Cuba." The Los 
Angeles Board of Social Service Commissioners, however, denied the 
Los Angeles Medical Aid to Cuba Committee a permit to solicit cash 
contributions at a public meeting held on June 6, 1962, on the grounds 
that the organization had provided no evidence that would assure the 
Board that "the medical items procured would go to needy persons 
unable to pay." In addition, as previously indicated, ]Mrs. del Villar 
testified that the MACC had made no follow-up to determine the 
distribution of its relief supplies. It was therefore in no position to 
make the above-quoted claim in the New York Times ad. 

3. The following statement also appeared in the New York Times 
ad — 

since there is no trade with the United States, Cuba has no 
way to get U.S. dollars. And without U.S. dollars. Dr. G. — 
and other physicians like him — -cannot buy U.S. drugs. 

This statement was deceptive. Cuba could obtain U.S. dollars. 
As revealed in subsequent hearings of this committee, the Communist 
government of Cuba, in the summers of 1963 and 1964, financed 
lengthy trips to Cuba by large groups of U.S. so-called students. 
The air travel for these two groups, paid for in the United States with 
U.S. cm'rency, cost approximately $125,000. Had Castro desired to 
do so, he could have obtained a license to transfer funds in this 
amount — ^or even a much greater amount — from the Roval Bank of 
Canada to the United States to pay for medical supplies needed by 
the Cuban people. (As pointed out in the New York Times ad, 
President Kennedy, in instituting economic sanctions against Cuba 
in February 1962, exempted medicines and food from the embargo.) 

The evidence strongl}'^ supports the conclusion that the Medical 
Aid to Cuba Committee, despite its claims to being "non-political" 
and "strictly humanitarian," was a front organization, operating 
chiefly under the direction of — and was also supported by — Com- 
munists and Castro sympathizers; that it made misleading statements 
in its public appeals; and that its purpose was to obtain free medical 
supplies for Castro, thus permitting him to direct more money to the 
support of Communist subversion in the Western Hemisphere. 


Friends of British Guiana 

The Friends of British Guiana (FBG) was formed in March 1962, 
when Dr. Cheddi Jagan was Prime Minister of British Guiana. Its 
purpose, as proclaimed in pubUc statements, was — 

to provide Dr. Jagan's movement, the People's Progressive 
Party, with a linotype machine, photoengraving equip- 
ment, and other essential printing machineiy to enable it to 
meet its important political obhgations. 

The organization invited the public to "join in making a democratic 
daily newspaper possible for these embattled friends of democracy." 
It added that some money had already been raised for this cause, that 
•'only a few thousand dollars" more were needed, and that the com- 
mittee had been formed to give the campaign "a final push." 

The Friends of British Guiana has never made any public announce- 
ment of its dissolution, nor has it ever given a public accounting of 
the sums received as a result of its public appeals, or of the disposition 
of those funds. 

In view of the fact that the United States is declared by Communist 
leaders to be the number one enemy of communism and the prime 
target of Communist subversive activities — and in view of the anti- 
Communist position of the American people— it is clear, the committee 
believes, that failure to reveal Communist control or orientation of 
any organization appealing to the U.S. public for funds or material 
assistance of any kind is concealment of a material fact. 


There was fraud, deception, and concealment of material fact in 
the public appeals made bj^ the Friends of British Guiana for the 
following reasons: 

1. The organization's public appeals described Jagan and his 
People's Progressive Party as "embattled friends of democracy." 

The U.S. Department of State, however, in its official document 
World Strength of the Communist Party Organizations, which is up-dated 
and published annually by the Department's Bureau of Intelligence 
and Research, designates Jagan's People's Progressive Party as 
"Communist." The 1964 edition of this document points out that 
the chairman of the British Commission of Inquiry which investigated 
the 1962 riots in Georgetown, British Guiana, characterized Jagan 
as "an avowed Communist." Moreover, Jagan, in addressing the 
PPP's Annual Congress in April 1962, openly told his followers: 

We must not be di^^ded on the issue of Communism. 
Communism is winning throughout the world. It will wm 

Further, in his appearance before the British Commission of 
Inquiry, Jagan testified that he believed in the tenets of communism. 

2. The FBG, in its literature, identified Jagan's political opposition 
as "reactionaiy." 

Jagan's principal political opposition, however, the People's Na- 
tional Congress, led by Forbes Burnham, is identified in all recent 
editions of the above-mentioned State Department document as 
"non-Communist Left." In addition, the aforementioned British 
Commission of Inquiry found that some of the opposition to Jagan 
and his party in British Guiana was motivated by the belief that 


Jagan's policies were ''leading the country towards Coiniiiimism." 
It also concluded that: 

There is very little doubt that many of his speeches and 
some of his deeds gave rise to the apprehension that despite 
his evasions and profession to the contrary, he was acting 
as a communist. 

3. The only persons identified as officers of the FBG in its public 
appeals were Leo Huberman, its provisional chakman, and Marcia 
Rabinowitz, the group's treasmer. The pro-Communist records of 
these two persons were concealed from the public. 

Huberman, in his appearance before the committee in November 
1962, stated that he was an "independent Marxist-Socialist" and 
believed in "working, together with others, including Communists, 
to the extent that their aims and methods coincide with mine." His 
public record indicates that Communist aims and methods have coin- 
cided with his on numeious occasions dm-ing the past 25 years. He 
denied being a mem.ber of the Communist Party, but admitted having 
talked personally Math Cheddi Jagan mthin the past year. He refused 
to say whether the conversations concerned the activities of the 
Friends of British Guiana, 

Marcia Rabinowitz, treasurer of the FBG, in her appearance before 
the committee on November 15, 1962, invoked the fifth amendment 
when asked if she was presently a member of the Communist Party 
and whether, as committee information indicated, she had been a 
member of the Coney Island Club of the Communist Party in the 
Second Assembly District, Kings County, New York City. 

In addition, the FBG did not reveal to the public that it had a 
vice president who was a high-ranking Communist Party official. 
Michael Crenovich signed the application for the post office box in 
New York City which the group used as its mailing addi'ess. In 
doing so, he listed himself as vice president of the Friends of British 
Guiana. Crenovich had been identified by this committee in 1961 
as a member of the National Committee of the Communist Party, 
In hearings on the Friends of British Guiana held in November 1962, 
Crenovich invoked the fifth amendment when asked if he was then, 
or had ever been, a member of the Communist Party or if he was, as 
committee information indicated, "one of the principal contacts be- 
tween Latin American and U.S. Communists." He also invoked 
the fifth amendment when asked if he had discussed his activities in 
behalf of the Friends of British Guiana with Felix Cummings, the 
U.N. correspondent for Jagan's newspaper, Thunderer, who was 
registered with the Department of Justice as a U.S. agent for Cheddi 

In addition to the above, the following facts are also relevant to the 
concealment of the Communist nature and purpose of the Friends of 
British Guiana in public statements and appeals made by the organi- 

Victor Rabinowitz, a New York City attorney, who is the husband 
of Alarcia Rabinowitz and who has been associated with various 
Communist causes over a period of years, is a registered agent of the 
Communist government of Fidel Castro. On three separate occasions 
when called to testif}^ before a Senate committee, he has invoked the 
fifth amendment when asked whether he was or had been a Com- 


munist Party member. Victor Rabinowitz visited British Guiana 
early in 1962, prior to the formation of the FBG. On February 26, 
1962, the Connnunist newspaper, the National Guardian, published 
an article about British Guiana written by him. The article was 
completely pro-Cheddi Jagan and his People's Progressive Party. In 
closino; his article, Rabinowitz stated that two thing's were "urgently 
required" if Jagan and his party were to be successful in carrying out 
their program. The first was, in Rabinowitz' words, "a daily 
newspaper capable of countering the opposition's propaganda 
machine * * *." 

The Friends of British Guiana was established the following month 
with Rabinowitz' wife, Marcia, serving as its secretary. 

4. Crenovich, in applying for the FBG's P.O. Box in New York 
City, described the organization as a "Committee to promote friend- 
ship between U.S. and British Guiana." This, too, was highly decep- 
tive. The FBG was admittedly formed to help only the People's Pro- 
gressive Party. Inasmuch as the 1961 estimated population for British 
Guiana was almost 600,000 and, as late as 1964, Jagan's PPP had an 
estimated membership of only 10-12,000 members (though it had won 
45.8 percent of the vote in the last election), the FBG operation would 
help only a Communist minority in British Guiana and, therefore, 
could not possibly promote friendship between this country and the 
anti-Communist majoritj'' of that country. As a matter of fact, by 
helping the Communist minority, the Friends of British Guiana was 
not only operating contrary to official U.S. policy, but tended to 
weaken the friendship between the two countries as a whole. 

The record clearly indicates that the Friends of British Guiana was 
a Communist organization formed for the purpose of serving world 
Communist interests by providing direct assistance to the Communist 
leader of British Guiana in the hope that, if and when British Guiana 
obtained complete independence, the assistance provided would be 
instrumental in helping convert it to a Communist nation. (See 
U.S. Communist Party Assistance to Foreign Communist Governments — 
Medical Aid to Cuba Committee and Friends of British Guiana, Parts 1 
and 2, Hearings before the Committee on Un-American Acti\dties, 
U.S. Government Printing Office (1963).) 

It is clear from the record of investigations that the Communist 
apparatus is engaged in repeated, widespread, and substantial fund- 
raising activities. In the process, the American public is victimized. 
Responding with its usual generosity to ostensible humanitarian 
appeals, the American public is deceived into paying the freight for 
propaganda, espionage, and other subversive activities designed to 
accomplish the destruction of their own country and all free societies. 

There is presently no Federal statute, general in application, mak- 
ing punishable the obtaining of money or property by false pretenses, 
that would specifically grant to Federal enforcement officers the re- 
sponsibility for safeguarding the interests of the people and the Nation 
with respect to frauds of the sort outlined here. 

This is a subject upon which the Federal Government may appro- 
priately legislate in the exercise of its constitutional powers. Article 
I, Section 8, Clause 18 of the Federal Constitution, grants to the 
Congress the power "to make all laws which shall be necessary and 
proper for carrying into execution" the powers delegated to it and 
all other powers vested by the Constitution "in the Government of 


the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof." While 
in general the police power is reserved to the States, the Federal 
Government has under the Constitution a clear power to define 
crimes in aid of the execution of the powers conferred upon it by the 
Constitution. The Federal Government has enacted a large body of 
criminal statutes in the exercise of its sovereign powers, m some 
instances reserving an exclusive jurisdiction and in others acting 
concurrently on similar subjects with the States. In the instance of 
the proposed criminal statute, which is in regulation of foreign com- 
merce and in aid of the proper execution of foreign policy, there 
would seem to be no doubt as to the propriety of the exercise by 
Congress of the power to enact this type of statute. Moreover, 
because of the involvement of foreign nations and nationals, enforce- 
ment of the proposed legislation is a matter that can be more effectively 
and properly executed by the Federal agencies. 

Lilvewise, the enactment of legislation, along the lines of similar 
statutes now adopted by many of the State governments, to establish 
a system of licensing or registration of persons who solicit money or 
property from residents of the United States for the purposes set 
forth in the recommendation, would be appropriate and desirable. 
There is presently no Federal legislation of this type. The Foreign 
Agents Registration Act of 1938 purports to regulate "agency" 
relationships and serves other purposes. However, there is excepted 
from the latter act money or property solicited or collected "to be 
used only for medical aid and assistance, or for food and clothing to 
relieve human suffering." Nor does it have the broad application 
and precise purpose of the type of legislation proposed. 




The following resolution in memory of the late Frank S. Tavenner, 
Jr., general counsel of the Committee on Un-American Activities, was 
unanimously adopted by the committee (and ordered to be included 
in its Annual Report for the Year 1964) : 

Whereas, having faithfully served his country in combat in World 
War I; and 

Whereas, having mastered fully by wUl and wit the arts of law, he 
devoted his splendid services to his beloved State, Virginia, for four 
decades where in private practice he was first to defend the rights of 
men, and later as U.S. District Attorney was first to prosecute their 
excesses; and 

Whereas, as acting chief counsel of the Supreme Council of Allied 
Powers in Japan, he successfully brought the major Japanese war 
criminals to the bar of justice; and 

Whereas, as this committee's general counsel since 1949, he con- 
tinually demonstrated an ever-present regard for witnesses' preroga- 
tives which he courteously respected ; but 

Whereas, as one deeply devoted to justice, he brooked no trespass 
upon his Nation's integrity, nor assault upon its honor by counterfeit 
minorities spawned of foreign powers; and 

Whereas, since the committee keenly feels its immeasurable loss: 
Now, therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the members duly acknowledge and recognize its 
late counsel not only as a legal artisan of rare skills, but also for the 
whole man who enjoyed them. And to him who bequeathed a 
measiu-e of security to his country — and much of himself to his many 
associates, let it be known that here was a man: 

Calm and controlled in controversy, decisive and deliberate in 

Faculties honed by logic, yet sweetly tempered in prudence, 
To truth a staunch ally, to error a determined foe, 
In counsel compassionate, in temperament gentle. 
Dignified in defeat, humble in success, 
The last to accept fame, the first to acknowledge blame, 


53-323 — 65 9 

!.'■ '■■:ii:': 



A Pag* 

Abowitz, INIurray _ 106 

Adams, Arthur Alexandrovich __ . 104 

Addabbo, PhiUip N 48 

Adler, Friedrich 74 

Alexander, Gertrude (Mrs. Richard Alexander) 22, 24 

Alexander, Richard M 22, 24 

Allen, Donna __ 66, 67 

Amster, ]\Irs. Louis J. (See del Villar, Melitta) 

Aptheker, Herbert 73, 91, 95 

Ashbrook (John M.) 1 

Atkinson, James D 4, 7 


Baker, Albert (Samuel) 104 

Barenblatt, Lloyd (L.) ix, x, 69 

Barry, Robert R 4, 12 

Barskv, Edward K ix, x 

Bart, Phil 26 

Bastian (Walter M.) . 82 

Batista y Zladivar (Fulgencio) 75 

Bazelon (David L.) _. 80 

Bentley, Elizabeth Terrill 63 

Berecz, Andrew J 18-23 

Berle, Adolph A 5, 13, 15, 17 

Berman, Beatrice (Bea) (Mrs. Max Berman)_._ 22 

Berman, Max __._ 22, 24 

Black (Hugo Lafayette) 95 

Blauvelt, Mildred 104, 105 

Boehnke, Norman John 27-31, 33, 35-39 

Boggs, Hale 1, 3, 7, 8 

Bond, Yvonne Marie 46, 48-50, 58 

Brennan (William Joseph, Jr.) 95 

Briehl (Walter) 89, 91-93, 96, 97 

Brown, Jack. {See Brown, James A.) 

Brown, James A. (Jack) 36 

Brown, Michael 59 

Budenz, Louis (Francis) 104 

Buhai, Harriett 106 

Burger (Warren E.) 80-82 

Burke, Arleigh A 5, 13 

Burnham, Forbes 107 

Burton (Joseph M., Jr.) 77, 82, 93 

Buxenbaum, Mrs. Alva 27 

Castro, Fidel xiv, 47, 48, 50, 53, 57, 59, 75, 76, 84, 86, 104-106, 108 

Chapelle, Dickey 5, 9, 13, 15 

Clark, Ed 58-60 

Clark (Thomas C.) 44, 93, 95, 99 

Clausen, Don H 1, 3, 17 

Coe, Lee 49, 50 

Cohn, Harry 48, 49, 51 

Conley, Michael C 5 

Cramer, Merrily Ann 48 

Crenovich, Michael 108 




Cucchiari, Salvatore 57 

Cummings, Felix 108 

Cunningham, William J 3, 4 

Currie, Lauchlin D . ; 63 


Danaher (John A.) 82 

Daugherty (Mally S.) ix 

Davis, Benjamin J., Jr 21-23, 43 

Davis, Ellen (Mrs. Samuel K. Davis) 31 

Davis, Samuel K 26,28,30,35 

Davton, Weldon Bruce . 89, 92, 93, 97 

del'Villar, Melitta (Mrs. Louis J. Amster) 104-106 

Delaney, Robert Finley 4, 12, 16, 17 

Dennis (Eugene) xii, 70,99 

Dobriansky, Lev E 4, 7, 9, 12 

Douds XII 

Douglas (William Orville) 93,95 

Dulles, John Foster 62,78,87,89 

Dunaway, Lon L 51 


Eisenhower (Dwight D.) 96 

Eisler, Gerhart (aliases: Hans Berger; Gerhard; Edwards; Brown; Julius 

Eisman; Gerhart; Samuel Liptzen) 103 

Emmet, Christopher 4, 12 

Epton, William (Bill) 56 


Fahv (Charles) 80 

Fascell, Dante B 5, 17 

Ferrero, Aldo 48 

Field, Noel (Haviland) 103 

Fishman, Moe (Mosses) 101, 102 

Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley 91, 95, 99 

Forichette, John Edward (William) 31, 37 

Frank, Waldo 77, 80-83, 85, 93 

Frayde, Martha 105 

Fried, Emanuel J 24 


Gitlow (Benjamin) 99 

Gluck, Sidney J 104, 106 

Gojack. John T viii, 69 

Goldberg (Arthur J.) 95, 96 

Goldstein, Eleanor 57 

Gordienko, George 31-33, 36 

Gordienko, Ruth Lois (formerly Mrs. George Gordienko) 31-33, 35, 36 

Grant, Alan G., Jr 3, 7, 8, 11, 14-16 

Grumman, Frank 68 

Gubser, Charles S 1, 5, 17 


Hall, Gus 26, 36 

Harlan (John M.) 93, 95 

Harriman, W. Averell 1,4,6-10,13-16 

Hemmingson, Hanley Leon 38 

Heinmingson, Hilda Tania (Mrs. Hanley L. Hemmingson) 38,39 

Herter (Christian) xii, 77, 80-83 

Herlong, A. Sidney, Jr 1> 3, 7, 8 

Hill, Robert C 4 

Holmes (Oliver Wendell).. 99 

Hoover, J. Edgar 26, 63 

Huberman, Loo 108 

Hudson, Richard 47 

INDEX iil 


Itakava, Katsko. (See Rosen, Wendie (Wendy) Suzuko Nakashima.) 
Itkawa, Katsuko. (See Rosen, Weudie (VVeudy) Suzuko Nakashima.) 



Jackson, James E 100 

Jackson, Robert H xii 

Jasan, Cheddi _ 107-109 

Johnson (Lyndon B.) 72, 76 

Jones, Paul 5, 15 

Joyce, Walter 5, 15 


Kennedy (John F.) 37, 72, 73, 75, 76, 106 

Kennedy, Robert F 77 

Kent (Rockwell) 78, 87, 89, 91-93, 96, 97 

Kerenskv, Alexander (Fedorovich) 2 

Khrushchev (Nikita Sergeevich) 24, 29, 36 

Kintnor, William R 4, 9, 12, 10 

Koritschoner, Franz 74 


Laub, Levi Lee (born Lee Levi Laub) 57, 58, 77 

Lautner, John 20 

Lehrer, Robert 67, 68 

Lemanskv, Edward 46, 51-54, 58 

Lenin, Vj I 2, 17,73-75 

Lewin, Alexander -__ 48, 49, 51 

Lombardo Toledano, Vicente 103 

Luce, PhiUip Abbott 53,57-60 

Luke, George 48, 49, 51 

Lumpkin, Hattie 22 


MacEwan, Alan M 77 

MacEwan, Mary G 77 

Mackie, Martin. (See Mackie, Oscar Martin.) 

Mackie, Oscar Martin (also known as Maki) 34,35 

Maher, Albert Lasater 46, 51, 55-58 

Malcolm X 46 

Malis, Victor 67 

Markman, Marvin 27 

Marsh, John O., Jr 5 

Martinot, Stefan (Steve) 57, 58 

Marx, Karl 73 

Massa, Anthony (Tony) 22-24 

Massa, Gloria (Mrs. Anthony Massa) 22, 23 

Matsoukas, Avra 58 

Mayers, Henry 3, 8, 14, 16 

Mavville, Henry Harrison (Harry) 30 

McDonald, Claude 33, 34 

McDowell, Arthur Gladstone 3, 12, 14 

McGrain (John J.) ix 

McKenzie, John 22 

Miller, Louis (L) 104, 106 

Miller (Wilbur K.) 77 

Morrison, H. Stuart 4, 14 

Murad, Anthony (Tony) 58 


Nasser (Gamal Abdel) 45 

Niemeyer, Gerhart 4, 7, 9, 12 

Nixon, Russell A 66, 67 


O Page 

O'Connor, DanielJ 5, 7, 15 

O' Connor, Harvey 69 

O' Hara, Louis Dona 5 

Olson, Clarence H 5 

Olson, Mrs. Vernal 53 

Olson, Vernal 53 

Ortiz, Vickie (Victoria) 57 

Oswald, Lee Harvey 72, 73, 75 


Patterson, William L 23 

Pestana, Jean (Estelle) Kidwell (Mrs. Frank Simplicio Pestana) 106 

Peters, Bernard 93 

Peters, J _. 20 

Phelps, Larry Wilford . 57, 58 

Philbrick, Herbert 4, 7, 8, 13, 15, 16 

Popper, Martin 69 

Po ter (Charles O.) 77, 82, 85, 93 

Possony, Stefan T 3, 11, 12, 14, 16 

Pranis, Joseph (Joe) 24 

Prensky, Catherine Jo (Kathy) 57, 58 

Prettyman, (Elijah) Barrett xi, 77 


Queen, Danny 27 


Rabinowitz, Marcia (G.) (Mrs. Victor Rabinowitz) 108, 109 

Rabinowitz, Victor 108, 109 

Remington, William Walter 63 

Renaud, Rose Tillotson (Mrs. Frederick L. Renaud) 29, 31, 32, 35 

Richardson, John, Jr 5 

Rickenbacker, Eddy 7 

Robeson, Paul 43 

Robinson, James H 5, 15, 16, 39-46 

Rosen, Jacob 58 

Rosen, Milton 57 

Rosen, Wendie (Wendy) Suzuko Nakashima (Mrs. Jacob Rosen) (aliases: 

Katsko Itakava; Kalsuko Itkawa) 48, 49, 51, 57, 58 

Rosenberg, Ethel (Mrs. Julius Rosenberg; nee Greenglass) 63 

Rosenberg, Julius 63 

Rosenberg, Rose (Schorr) (Mrs. Louis Rosenberg) 106 

Ross 32 

Ross, Carl E 32, 36 

Rubin, Danny. {See Rubin, Mortimer Daniel.) 

Rubin, Mortimer Daniel (Danny) 26, 27 

Ruby, Jack L 72 

Rudner, Seymour (Sy) 20-23 

Rusk, Dean 77 

Russell, Norton Anthony 68, 69 


Samter, Alfred James 67 

Schadeberg, Henry C 1 

Scheer, Mortimer 18, 21-23, 57 

Schlosser, Anatol (Isaac) 58 

Schwartz, Helen (Mrs. Tobias Schwartz) 24 

Schwartz, Tobias L. (Ted) 24 

Schweiker, Richard S 1, 4 

Scioli, Joseph C 24 

Shallit, Ellen 57 

Sharp, Clarence Horatio 30, 36, 37 

Shelton (Robert) 69 

Silber, Bernard 68 

Silvermaster, Nathan Gregory 63 



Slater, Morton Bruce 46,48-50,58 

Smith, Betty 20,31 

Smith, Louise Pettibone 28 

Soto, Erailio V 105 

Spinnev, Ralph WiUiam 58 

Sporn,"Paul 20-22 

StaUn, Josef 8,36 

Stone, Donald 45 

Sutherland, Elizabeth (born EUzabeth Sutherland Martinez) 106 


Taft, Robert, Jr. 1, 4, 16 

Talcott, Burt L - 1 

Tans , Roger - 57 

Tavenner, Frank S., Jr Ill 

Taylor, Ralph, W 29,36 

Thomas, John 57 

Tillotson, John Howard 31, 37 

Tilsen, Kenneth E 32, 35 

Tilsen, Rachel (Mrs. Kenneth E. Tilsen) 32 

Toledano, Vicente Lombardo. {See Lombardo Toledano, Vicente.) 

Travis, Helen (Mrs. Robert C. Travis) 77, 106 

Tremols, Jose G --- 105 

Truman (Harrv S.) --- 84 

Turoff, Sidney 68 


Ward, Harry F 40, 41 

Warden, Judith Anne 58 

Warren (Earl) 95 

Watkins (John T.) -- xni, 68 

Watson, Goldie 68^ 

Weinst ock, Louis Si 

Whelan, Joseph G 63 

White (Byron R.) - 95- 

White, Harrv Dexter 65 

Whittaker (Charles Evans). _ _ 93 

Wilkinson, Frank 30, 36 

Williams, Robert F 53, 54 

Wilson, Bob 4 

Wilson, Dagraar (Mrs. Christopher Bernard Wilson; nee Saerschinger) 66, 67 

Witkovich (George I.) 70 

Withrow, Ruthann . 24-29, 32-34, 36, 37 

Witness Dr. "X" (Cuban refugee) 105 

Wolkenstein, Edward A 20, 22-24 

Worthy, William, Jr xri, 77, 78, 80, 81, 83, 85, 93 


Yakobson , Sergius ._ 63 

Yates (Oleta O'Connor) 97-100 

YeUin, Edward 67-09 

Zelnian, Dorthv (Dottie) (Mrs. ]Mu-oslaw Zelman) 22 

Zelman, Miroslaw B. (Marty, Mike) 20,22,23 

Zemel, Louis 77 

Zvaleko, Vera (Mrs. Walter Zvaleko) 22 

Zvaleko, Walter J 20, 22, 23 




Ad Hoc Student Committee for Travel to Cuba (see also Student Com- Page 

mittee for Travel to Cuba) 57^ 58 

Advance ' 27 

African Academy of Art and Research 44 

Afro-American Students Organization 53^ 54 

Alliance for Progress. {See entry under U.S. Government, State Depart- 
ment, Agenc}' for Interimtional Development.) 

American Airlines 50 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born (see also Minnesota 

Committee for Protection of Foreign Born) 28, 33 

American Communications Association (See Communications Association, 

American) . 
American Friends Service Committee. (See entry under Religious Society 
of Friends.) 

American League Against War and Fascism 40,41 

American League for Peace and Democracy 40 

American Nazi Party 51 

American Peace Crusade 34 

Minneapolis Chapter 33^ 34 

American Peace Mobilization 42 

American Radiator & Standard Sanitary Corp 19,21 

Armed Forces of National Liberation (FALN) (Venezuela) 60 


BOAC. (»See British Overseas Airways Corp.) 
British Government: 

Commission of Inquiry into Disturbances in British Guiana 107 

British Overseas Airways Corp. (BOAC) 56 


CIO. (*See Congress of Industrial Organizations.) 

Carpenters and Joiners of America, United Brotherhood of 35 

Local 7 (Minneapolis) 38 

Chicago & Southern Air Lines, Inc 93 

Church of the Master (New York CitjO 40, 41 

Communications Association, American (ACA) xii, 68 

Communist Party, Canada 31, 32, 36 

Manitoba Province 33 

Communist Party of the United States of America 62, 63 

National Structure: 

National Committee 18, 22, 23, 108 

Executive Committee 36 

National Conventions and Conferences: 

National Youth Conference, December 1960-January 1, 1961, 

Chicago, 111 26,27 


Minnesota-Dakotas District (Minnesota, North Dakota, South 

Dakota) 24,26,28,29,32,35,36 

District Executive Committee 28 

Minnesota : 

Minneapolis-St. Paul area 25 

Cells witliin the University of Minnesota: 

Professional cell 32, 26 

Women's cell 32 

Industrial 1 Club 25 

Industrial 2 Club 25 

Lenin branch 25 

Minneapolis City Committee 28,36 

Miscellaneous Branch 37 

North Side Club 25, 26, 28, 32, 34, 37, 38 

St. Paul City Committee 28 

South Side Club 25, 36 

Trade Union cell 32 

Women's branch 25 

INDEX vlf 

Communist Party of the United States of America — Continued 
States and Territories: 

New York State: PagB 

Erie County 18, 20-24 


Secretariat 21, 22 

Community Clubs: 

Tonawanda Club 19, 20 

Industrial Section: 

Bond Club 19, 21 i 

Nationality Club 20 

New York City Area: 
Kings County: 

Second Assembly District 108 

Coney Island Section: 

Coney Island Club 108 

Communist Party, Soviet Union: 
Congresses : 

Twentieth Congress, February 1956, Moscow 36 

Communist Political Association (May 1944 to July 1945): 
National Structure: 

National Committee 34 

Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) 20 

Council on African Affairs 44 

Cuban Federation of University Students 46, 52, 55, 58, 59 


Democratic-Farmer-Labor (Party), Minnesota 25,34 

DFL Clubs 25 

Fifth Ward Club (Minneapolis) 25 

Democratic Party 25 


Electrical, Padio and Machine Workers of America, United (UE) 69 

Local 1152 (Minneapolis, Minn.) 34 

Emergency Peace Mobilization 40 


Fair Play for Cuba Committee 75, 104, 106 

New Orleans Chapter 75 

Fair Plav for Cuba Committee, Canada 53 

Foreign Tours, Inc. (New York City) -■ 48, 49, 51 

Forums for Victory 43 

Freedom of the Press Committee. (See National Committee for Freedom 

of the Press.) 
Friends of British GuLana (FBG) 104, 107-109 

General Motors Corp.: 

Chevrolet Division, Tonawanda, N.Y 21 


International Brigade, Fifteenth 102 

International Workers Order (IWO) 41 

New York State: 
Buffalo area: 

International Workers Order Center 19 

Hungarian Section 19 


Joint Anti-Fascist Eefugee Committee 102, 103 

Spanish Refugee Appeal 102 

1 Referred to as industrial club. 


L Page 

Labor Youth League 32 

League Against War and Fascism. {See American League Against War 

and Fascism.) 

Lenin Institute 2, 31 

Los Angeles Medical Aid to Cuba Committee (see also Medical Aid to Cuba 

Committee ) 106 


Macpherson Travel Bureau, Inc. (New York City) 48, 49, 51 

Manhattan Art Club 48 

Mav 2nd Committee 50, 56, 59, 60 

'New York 50, 56 

Medical Aid to Cuba Committee (see also Los Angeles Medical Aid to Cuba 

Committee) 104-106 

Minneapolis Council for Peace. (See American Peace Crusade, Minneap- 
olis chapter.) 
Minnesota Committee for Protection of Foreign Born (see also American 

Committee for Protection of Foreign Born) 28, 38, 39 

Minnesota Committee To Defend the Bill of Rights 30, 38, 39 

Monroe Youth Action Committee 54 

Morningside Community Center 40 


NAACP. (See National Association for the Advancement of Colored 

National Assembly for Democratic Rights, September 23, 24, 1961 (New 

York City) 30 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)_. 32, 41 
National Committee for Freedom of the Press: 

Minneapolis Freedom of the Press Committee 25, 29, 33, 37, 38 

National Committee To Abolish the Un-American Activities Committee.- 30 

National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam 53, 55, 60 

National Institutes of Health. (See entry under U.S. Government; 
Health, Education, and Welfare, Department of.) 

National Lawyers Guild 69 

New York State Joint Legislative Committee on Charitable and Philan- 
thropic Agencies and Organizations 103 


Operation Crossroads Africa, Inc 40,44,45 

Organization of American States (OAS) 7 

Orlando Committee for a Freedom Academy 10, 11 

Pan American World Airways 48, 50, 51 

Parent Teachers Association (PTA) (Minneapolis, Minn.) 25 

Patrice Lumumba University for the Friendship of the Peoples (formerly 

Friendship University for the Friendship of the Peoples) (Moscow) — 6 

People's National Congress (British Guiana) 107 

People's Progressive Party of British Guiana 107, 109 

Permanent Student Committee for Travel to Cuba. (See Student Com- 
mittee for Travel to Cuba.) 

Presbyterian Church 44 

Progressive Labor Movement 18, 19, 21-24, 49-52, 54-58, 86 

West Side Club (New York City) 58 

Progressive Youth Organizing Committee 27, 37 


RCA Communications, Inc 68 

Radio Free Dixie 53 

Religious Society of Friends: 

American Friends Service Committee 103 

Reserve Officers Association of the United States 5 

Roswell Park Memorial Institute (Buffalo) : 

Health Research, Inc 22 


••■ S Page 

Scicnco for Victorv Committee ,,_, »_-A'._i^ 1)3 

Socialist Workers Party (SWP) ^:..'...j 18, oG 

South Vietnamese National Liberation Front. (.See National Front for 
the Liberation of South Vietnam.) 

State ITniversitv of New York at Buffalo (formerly University of Buffalo 

(Buffalo, N.Y.)) 21 

Student Committee for Travel to Cuba (see also Ad Hoc Student Com- 
mittee for Travel to Cuba) 46,48,51-53, 55-60 

Taxpayers League of Blackstone Valley, Providence and Providence 

Plantations 5 

Trans World Airlines, Inc 49 

Transport Workers Union of America 41 

Travel Associates, Inc. (New York City) 49-51 

Twin Coach Co 21 


Union Theological Seminary (New York City) _ 40 

Unitarian Service Committee 103 

U.S. Government: 

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) l.l-i 8 

Defense, Department of — .1- 12 

Health, Education, and Welfare, Department of: 

National Institutes of Health 22 

Justice Department 11 LI Li. 111. . 47, 87, 98 

Federal Bureau of Investigation . — _ --1 8, 53, 75 

President's Commission on the Assassination of President John F. 

Kennedy, The (Warren Commission) 72,76 

Psvchological Strategy Board 9 

State Department,. 6-11, 13-15, 47, 58.' 75, 84, 85, 89, 92 

Agency for International Development (AID) 8, 12 

Alliance for Progress 13 

Foreign Service Institute (FSI) 10-12 

Peace Corps 8, 14 

National Advisory Council 40 

Police Academv 10 

Subversive Activities Control Board (SACB) 90, 101 

Supreme Court ix, x, xiii, 67-70, 73, 77, 87, 89-97, 99, 100 

U.S. Information Agency (USIA) 8 

United Youth Committee Against Lynching 41 

University of California (Berkeley) _ 44 

University of Minnesota (Minneapolis, Minn.) 31, 35-37 

Marxist Socialist Club 31, 32 


Venezuelan National Liberation Front. (*See Armed Forces of National 

Liberation (FALN) (Venezuela).) 
Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 101, 102 


Waterman Steamship Corp 93 

Western Union 68 

Women Strike for Peace 24 

Women's International League for Peace and Freedom 24 

Workers Alliance. (See Workers Alliance of America.) 

Workers Alliance of America 41 

Workers World Party 18 

World Council of Peace. (See World Peace Council.) 

World Mental Health Organization Congress (Istanbul) 91 

World Peace Council (also known as World Council of Peace) : 

World Assembly for Peace, June 23-29, 1955, Helsinki, Finland 91 

World Youth Festivals: 

Eighth Youth Festival, July 29-August 6, 1962, Helsinki, Finland... 31, 37 


Y Page 

Yale University (New Haven, Conn.) 56 

Yale Socialist Union 56 

Young Communist League, USA 41 

Youth for Political Action 27, 37 



Challenge 57 

Columbia Owl ._ 58 

Crusader, The (pamphlet) _ 53 

Daily Worker 19 

Harvard Crimson 55 

Iskra (The Spark) (newspaper) __ 74 

National Guardian 101, 109 

New Horizons for Youth 26, 27, 31 


People's World 49 

Political AflFairs 95 

Progressive Labor 49, 57, 60 

Revolution 54 


Thunderer (newspaper, British Guiana) 108 

Tomorrow Is Today (Robinson) 45 


War and Peace Report (magazine) 47 

"Where To Begin?" (Lenin) _. 73-75 

Worker, The 25, 37, 101 




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